President Trump’s redesignation of Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern—CPC”: a serious, well-founded wake-up call

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

The Subcommittee on Africa will come to order, and good morning to all of you. I do ask unanimous consent that Representative James from Michigan, Representative Stutzman from Indiana, and Representative Moore from West Virginia be allowed to sit on the dais and participate in today's hearing. Without objection, so ordered. I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I welcome my ranking member. Good to see you. Thank you.

Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA)SPEAKER_14

Good to see you too.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Good to see you too. I want to welcome all of you to this very critical hearing on the systematic and accelerating violence against predominantly Christian communities in Nigeria. For the record, this is my 12th hearing focused exclusively on Nigeria, with scores of other hearings on human trafficking, religious freedom, food insecurity, human rights focused in part on Africa. I've led three trips, human rights trips, to Nigeria. I want to thank our distinguished witnesses for being here today to bring light and scrutiny to this unfolding religious freedom catastrophe and to proffer ways to mitigate and to end the violence and the hate. Nigeria is ground zero, the focal point of the most brutal and murderous anti-Christian persecution in the world today. Moderate Muslims who speak out against the radical Islamists or refuse to conform with the serial killers are murdered as well. I applaud President Trump's recent decisive action to redesignate Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern for engaging in and tolerating severe violations of religious freedom. One of our witnesses today, Bishop Wilfred Anagbe from the Diocese of Makurdi, testified before our subcommittee last March. He said, in part, Militant Fulani herdsmen are terrorists. They steal and vandalize, they kill and boast about it, they kidnap and rape, and they enjoy total impunity from elected officials. None of them have been arrested and brought to justice, close quote. Today, by Zoom, Bishop Anagbe will say, in part, "On the 13th of March, 2025, when I last appeared before this committee, I warned that the situation was dire and demanded urgent attention. Tragically, the past half year has proven those warnings understated. The continued attacks on vulnerable Christian villages by the Fulani ethnic militia and their counterparts, both in the Middle Belt of Nigeria and elsewhere in the country. In my own Diocese of Makurdi, you are all familiar with the massacres of Saturday, the 13th of June, in Yelwata, where 278 persons—men, women, and children—were killed in a manner too gory to describe here by people shouting 'Allahu Akbar' while slaughtering their victims. It took the prayer of the Holy Father, Pope Leo, on Sunday, the 14th of June, for the government of Nigeria to even acknowledge this evil. Even so, the federal government still seeks to downplay the numbers and has yet to properly care for the survivors," even as I speak, because he will be speaking momentarily by way of Zoom. Abductions of the clergy and laity remain rampant. Priests and pastors are prime targets for elimination. In 2015, one of our colleagues, a member of this subcommittee and also this full committee, I should say, of Foreign Affairs, and a former House colleague and Green Beret officer, and now U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Mike Waltz. He was deployed in 2015 to Nigeria as part of a Nigerian—he was part of the Special Forces to provide training and security assistance to the Nigerian Navy SEALs in their fight against Boko Haram. During his time there, he said yesterday, a couple days ago, more than 300 girls were reported missing because of Boko Haram's extremist violence. Working alongside his team, Ambassador Waltz supported Nigerian SEAL operations that ultimately helped rescue many of these girls from the oppressive conditions imposed by sharia law. This past Tuesday, Ambassador Waltz also said, at a special seminar on Nigeria, that the situation in Nigeria now has only grown more dire. He went on to say, Churches burn, mothers bury their children for the crime of singing 'Amazing Grace', pastors are beheaded for preaching the Sermon on the Mount, and entire villages awaken to gunfire simply by calling Jesus their Lord. This is not random violence. It is deliberate persecution as northern militant groups enforce sharia law and unleash targeted attacks on Christian communities. He also pointed out, and it was this week, that 25 girls went missing, many of whom will now vanish and have vanished into the dark underbelly of extremism and sex slavery. Make no mistake: these ongoing attacks are based on religion, and diverting attention from it denies what we have seen with our own eyes. Yeah, there may be other factors, but religion is driving this. Kill the infidel. We see it in other places, and we're seeing it now, sadly, in Nigeria, and it's been going on for many, many years. 13 years ago in this room, 2012, I chaired a hearing focusing on the slaughter of Christians by Boko Haram. And the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Johnnie Carson, testified at that hearing and said, and I quote in part, that "the phenomenon of Boko Haram is one of discrediting the central government in power for its failure to deliver services to the people." I asked him at the time, Are you kidding? I responded by asking why Boko Haram abducts and rapes Christian girls and uses force and coercion, even death, to convert Christians to Islam. On a trip to an IDP camp in Jos, I met many survivors. One man who we had testify here named Adama, who they took him out of his house, his wife was screaming, Please don't hurt my husband. They put a AK-47 to his cheek and said, You renounce your faith, or we'll kill you. He said, Well, I'm ready to meet my Lord. They asked him again, he repeated that, and they shot him. They blew his face very, very horribly. He survived. And when I met him, I invited him to come and testify. He did, and he said, You've got to realize who Boko Haram is, and stop this idea—this is my words, but his sentiment—of denial, of saying, 'Ah, there's nothing to see here.' So I asked Johnnie Carson further, Why won't they designate Boko Haram at least, if not a CPC country, as a foreign terrorist organization? And he said they don't believe it. They're not a foreign terrorist organization. I worked on that for three years, additional hearings. On the day I was marking up my bill, and it was called the Boko Haram Terrorist Designation Act of 2013, to put Congress on record demanding an FTO designation, that day the administration declared Boko Haram a foreign terrorist organization. I was very happy with it, but we could have done that three years earlier, maybe had found out what their sources of weapons and funding and everything else might have been, thereby again mitigating some of the harm. For too long, the world has looked away, a culture of denial, as radical Fulani militants, Boko Haram, and ISIS-West Africa have waged a relentless campaign of terror, murder, and displacement across Nigeria, including the states of Plateau, Benue, and Kaduna. According to Open Doors, and I just want to say something about Open Doors, I've worked with Open Doors for 40 years. I knew the founder, Brother Andrew, an absolutely honest and committed man. And that organization, to this day, continues to speak truth to power all over the world, including in Nigeria. Well, they have said, Open Doors, more Christians are slaughtered in Nigeria than anywhere else in the world. I co-chair the China Commission. I just left a hearing that we're holding over on the Senate side on religious persecution there, against everyone: against the Falun Gong, against the Christians, against the Buddhists in Xinjiang—not the Buddhists, Buddhists in Tibet and the Muslims in Xinjiang. And while they kill many, they incarcerate and harass more than they slaughter. These groups in Nigeria are doing just that: slaughtering. Another group has said over 52,000 Christians in Nigeria have reportedly been targeted and killed by Islamist extremists, while approximately 34,000 moderate Muslims have been murdered as well since 2009. And that is less focused upon. I raise it every time, and I hope we all will. They're killing those who don't conform to the radical Islamist view, so they get killed too. I met with many imams on trips to Nigeria as well as here, and they say, If we speak out, we'll be firebombed too. During a visit there, 19,000 churches have also been attacked. More than 7,000 have been murdered in this year alone. During my visit to Jos in 2013, I visited many churches that had been firebombed in Jos. And I listened to the survivors and was moved almost to tears, and to tears with some, when they talked about the numbing loss and pain of losing loved ones. And the churches were decimated, each and every one of them, either by cars coming in and plowing everybody and destroying the physical or by bombs and, of course, always the ever-present AK-47. They pleaded with their own government and the world to end the cruelty and violence, and I've been raising it, as have many others ever since. About 5 million Christians have been displaced and forced into internally displaced persons camps within Nigeria and refugee camps at regional and sub-regional borders, according to an Intersociety report. Open Doors reports, and again, I hope we can finally get beyond just saying, Nothing to see here. While Christians used to be vulnerable only to Muslim-majority northern states, this violence continues to spread into the Middle Belt and even further south. The attacks are shockingly brutal. Many believers are killed, particularly men, while women are often kidnapped and targeted for what? Sexual violence, rape, and other abuse. More believers are killed for their faith in Nigeria than anywhere else in the world. These militants also destroy homes, churches, and livelihoods, and many people don't go to school anymore. One estimate is 10,000 schools have been closed due to this violence. The Nigerian government has a fundamental constitutional obligation to protect its own citizens, yet the brutal reality is that the perpetrators of these crimes operate with impunity. The lack of accountability sends a chilling message that the lives of Christian farmers and their families are expendable. This failure has rightfully been called out by the President of the United States, President Trump, and Secretary of State Rubio. The United States must not stand by idly. I've introduced resolutions, and others have been introduced as well. H.Res. 82, I had done that previously on 82, asking that the Biden administration—we had an interesting conversation and debate on that resolution. It did pass 26 to 21. And part of the argument that was made by Mr. Meeks and my very distinguished colleague to my left is that it is the president and the Secretary of State that needs to make that call, not us. I think we can encourage something. That's what it did. But nevertheless, now they've made the call, and I think we need to double down and try to stop this. H.Res. 860, which I've introduced, also calls on conditioning U.S. foreign assistance, and it must be tied to progress from the Nigerian government in preventing persecution, prosecuting perpetrators, and protecting all communities. Second, it would provide direct humanitarian assistance, especially to faith-based groups working on the ground in the Middle Belt. What we're hearing is that it's not getting through. People are hungry, so we need to make sure that they're helped. And third, we must impose targeted sanctions pursuant to the Global Magnitsky Act, using visa bans and asset freezes against individuals and entities responsible for these gross human rights abuses. President Trump, as I conclude, said Christianity is facing an existential threat in Nigeria. The United States cannot stand by while atrocities are happening in Nigeria. I yield to my good friend and colleague, Ms. Jacobs.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to all of the witnesses who are going to be testifying today on conflict and religious persecution in Nigeria. I'm very much looking forward to the conversation we'll have with Ambassador Pratt and Deputy Assistant Secretary McGee, as this committee is long overdue to hold a hearing with Trump administration officials. The African continent continues to be both increasingly important and increasingly overlooked. The continent is the youngest in the world, and in Nigeria alone, 70% of the population is under 35 and 40% is under 15. So it represents the future generations who will continue to lead and solve the world's problems. Nigeria has a unique position as a bellwether, as Africa's largest economy, most populous nation, and a significant actor in the region and on the world stage. And meanwhile, Nigeria is facing its own challenges, like rising insecurity, shrinking freedom of expression, and a struggling economy. So let's talk about the very real conflict and violence happening in Nigeria. Nigeria is facing multiple, different security challenges in various parts of the country, including violent extremist groups in the northeast, criminal banditry in the northwest, and across the country, farmer-herder conflict in the Middle Belt and other intercommunal violence in central and northern regions. Several factors are driving these conflicts. Yes, ethnicity and religion play a role in some cases, but other dynamics like poor governance, resource competition, climate change, and population pressures are important drivers that need to be addressed. I appreciate the chairman's passion on this and his long work on Nigeria. I think it's a distortion to say that what we're trying to say is that there's nothing to see here. In fact, there is something to see here. There is very real conflict and violence that we need to address. I've been working on addressing conflict in Nigeria since 2013-2014 when I was part of the counter-Boko Haram strategy at the State Department. The violence impacting both Christian and Muslim communities is real, and the Nigerian government can and should do more to address it. I was horrified to learn of the killing of two people and the kidnapping of the pastor and a worshiper at a church in Kwara State. And this came only a few days after, as the chairman mentioned, criminal bandits kidnapped 25 girls in Kebbi State. But it is counterproductive to adopt oversimplistic narratives about the multiple, complex, overlapping security challenges and violence across the country. The victims in the Kebbi State kidnapping were all Muslim girls. So violence affects everyone, and false narratives perpetuate harmful stereotypes and motivate tensions and violence based on religious identity. Distorting what's happening into a solely religious narrative erases the real drivers of violence and makes it harder to implement effective solutions. And it can fuel violence against the very groups the Trump administration claims it wants to protect. That's why I'm alarmed by President Trump's rhetoric about this violence and threats to go into Nigeria guns a-blazing and to wipe out terrorists. We are already receiving reports of increased tensions between Christian and Muslim populations following this rhetoric. President Trump's threat is reckless, and any unilateral military action in Nigeria would be illegal. Congress has not authorized force in Nigeria to protect Christians, and any action without Nigeria's consent violates international law. We also know that a military-first response won't actually address the violence and will do very little to protect Christian communities. As I said, I've worked on Nigeria policy since I was at the State Department in 2014, so I know firsthand these security challenges are multifaceted, and they require a holistic approach. A military-led approach risks more civilian casualties and impunity, which will only fuel violent extremism more. So we need to use more tools from our foreign policy toolbox if we're serious about helping Nigeria protect its citizens. That means we need to leverage diplomacy and engage with Nigeria on how we can help support their response while pushing for important reforms within Nigeria's institutions. We also need to utilize foreign assistance to fund programs to help prevent violence and address conflict drivers. But the Trump administration so far has hobbled these tools. On the diplomatic front, while I'm glad to see Ambassador Pratt will be here representing the African Affairs Bureau, we still have yet to see even a nomination for an Assistant Secretary for Africa. And we don't have a Senior Director for Africa at the NSC either. There are several emergent conflicts in Africa, including in Nigeria, but also in Sudan, DRC, and across the Sahel and in Ethiopia, that demand high-level, consistent, and substantive engagement. Occasional attention from the president, while most of the time welcome, won't be enough to see lasting results on all of these different crises. And on the development front, President Trump's dismantling of USAID and cuts of hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of foreign assistance in Nigeria is worsening the violence. For years, the United States has supported Nigerian institutions, civil society, faith-based leaders, and researchers to address the conflict, violence, and religious freedom challenges. These programs proactively prevented and directly addressed the violence this administration is now concerned about. For example, a recent article in Devex highlighted a program that Secretary Rubio terminated, which has left a void in communities that suffer violence. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to submit for the record a Devex article titled, "The Cuts That Bleed: What Happens When Peace Programs Go Dark." Thank you. This article focuses on a former program implemented by Search for Common Ground, a peacebuilding organization that provided critical early warning in communities in Yelwata, a region in Nigeria's Middle Belt where conflict and violence have erupted between Muslim herders and Christian farmers. This early warning program was responsible for fewer violent incidences before Secretary Rubio terminated it. In June, this same community was left in the lurch without this extra early warning support when an attack happened in Makurdi. Nearly 200 people were killed, hundreds burned alive in their homes and market stalls torched, and almost 4,000 people fled. And this is just one example where the United States has abandoned communities with no explanation. I have another article, this time from the L.A. Times by former USAID Foreign Service Officer Daniel Morris, that details another program that was helping prevent violence but was discontinued. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to submit for the record an L.A. Times article titled, "Trump Cut Nigeria's Aid Back in March. Now He Wonders Why It's So Violent." Thank you. This article discusses a program called the Community Initiatives to Promote Peace that operated in northern Nigeria. It trained community elders, including religious and tribal leaders, in conflict resolution. And the results were impressive. After giving one group training and making another one a control group for six months, each group was asked if their communities experienced violence. Here's what the article says: only 10% of people in communities that received negotiation training and dialogue meetings said yes, compared to 41% of people in communities that hadn't. The Nigerians in the treatment group reported feeling more secure, more likely to walk around their communities, and less likely to avoid certain areas than those in the control group. We don't always see these kinds of results. So the fact that we were and the administration eliminated this program is incredibly shortsighted and counterproductive given their apparent interest in this issue. So if we want the United States to help prevent and address conflict in Nigeria, we can't pull back and eliminate our tools like President Trump has done. I urge the administration to reverse these decisions, nominate people at senior levels to work on Africa issues, and commit to working on this seriously, not just through a few Truth Social posts. So I look forward to hearing the testimony of Ambassador Pratt and Deputy Assistant Secretary McGee on what the State Department is planning to do to address the violence in Nigeria and how it plans to partner with Nigeria on doing so. And lastly, while I'm glad we have our witnesses here to discuss Nigeria today, I would be remiss to not also raise Sudan, since this is our first time with the State Department witnesses in front of the subcommittee this Congress, and we still have not had a budget hearing. The situation in Sudan is horrific. And while I'm glad to see this war finally getting high-level attention from President Trump, I look forward to hearing from Ambassador Pratt about what the department's plan is to both make a deal that brings a lasting end to the war in Sudan and invest in a real peace process for the Sudanese people. Thank you. I yield back.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

We will now receive testimony from Bishop Anagbe. He is leaving for a major speech in Germany and will miss his flight if we wait until— Thankfully, our two very distinguished witnesses from State have agreed, because normally the protocol is they go first, and I do thank them for that. But I'd like to welcome Bishop Anagbe back. He gave very compelling testimony back in March, and we all appreciated that very much. But he is in Benue State. He was ordained a Catholic priest in August of 1994, and Pope Francis elevated him to bishop in 2014. So, Bishop Anagbe, the floor is yours.

Bishop Wilfred AnagbeSPEAKER_11

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, Congressman Chris Smith. The Most Reverend Wilfred Chikpa Anagbe, Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Makurdi, Benue, Nigeria, before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Africa Subcommittee, November 20, 2025. President Trump's redesignation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern, CPC: A serious, well-founded wake-up call. I am here this evening talking not because I have the privilege of witnessing, the privilege of experiencing, I am not talking with— but as a privilege of opinion, Mr. Chairman, ranking members, distinguished members of the subcommittee. Thank you for inviting me back to testify on the escalating crisis of Christian persecution and genocide in Nigeria. Six months ago, precisely on 13th March 2025, when I last appeared before this committee, I warned that the situation was dire and demanded urgent attention. Tragically, the past half year has proven those warnings understated, the continued attack on vulnerable Christian villages by the Fulani ethnic militia and their counterparts, both in the Middle Belt of Nigeria and elsewhere in the country. Since my testimony in March 2025, credible reports from organizations monitoring religious freedom, including Open Doors and our own Justice, Development and Peace Commission in Makurdi Diocese, have documented continuing attack on Christian villages, especially in the Middle Belt states of Benue and Plateau, perpetrated by Fulani militia. Thousands more have been displaced, some abducted or subjected, with entire villages razed and churches destroyed. My own village of Aondona in Gwer West Local Government was attacked and several of my relatives killed on May 22nd, 2025. An entire convent of Reverend Sisters of the Claretian Missionaries was displaced, along with the local Catholic parish. Within the days following that attack, nearby villages like Naka also witnessed attacks. In fact, on the 24th May 2025, one of my priests, Father Solomon Atongo, was shot and left to die in the pool of his blood, while those traveling with him were abducted. Though he survived the attack, he is unable to walk freely because he has a broken bone. A few weeks before, on Palm Sunday, April 13th, 2025, with the attack occurring late that night into the early hours of April 14th, Fulani militants launched a coordinated assault on Christian communities in Plateau State, Nigeria, primarily targeting the village of Zikke in the Bassa Local Government Area near Jos. This incident was part of a broader wave of violence in the region during Holy Week, targeting Christians as they prepared to celebrate one of the most holy, important feasts in our church. In my own Diocese of Makurdi, you are all familiar with the massacres of Saturday, 13th June, in Yelwata, where 278 persons—men, women, and children—were killed in a manner too gory to describe here by people shouting Allahu Akbar while slaughtering their victims. It took the prayers of the Holy Father Pope Leo XIV on Sunday, June 14th, for the government in Nigeria to even acknowledge this evil. Even so, the federal government still seeks to downplay the numbers and has yet to properly care for the survivors, even as I speak. Abductions of clergy and laity remain rampant. Priests and pastors are prime targets for elimination. On 17th November 2025, another priest from Kaduna Archdiocese was kidnapped, while his brother was shot dead and others taken into captivity. On the same day, a school was attacked in Kebbi State, with many kidnapped, and the vice principal of the school was killed. Reports are also rife of the capture of a brigadier general of the Nigerian Army with some army officers and soldiers by the Islamists. This is the daily experience of many Christians in Nigeria. Violence is spreading southward, displacing millions and destroying farmland, creating a humanitarian crisis compounded by food insecurity. Attacks by Fulani militants, Boko Haram, Islamic State West Africa Province, ISWAP, have intensified not only in the Middle Belt and northern states, but spreading southward and targeting Christian communities with impunity. We hoped the CPC designation by President Trump at the end of October might stabilize the situation, but instead it is deteriorating into one of the most lethal periods of Nigeria for Nigerian Christians in recent memory. Like it is now commonly acknowledged, Nigeria remains the deadliest place on Earth to be a Christian. More believers are killed there annually than in the rest of the world combined. Yet perpetrators face little accountability, and the Nigerian government's response since the CPC designation is to unleash vainglory speakers and willing tools to spin the narrative and make false equivalencies about Muslim deaths. But I would like to ask the question here, who is killing the Muslims up north? Is there any Christian militia displacing millions and occupying lands in Nigeria? The government of Nigeria's silence and refusal to engage in the face of continued killings and displacements has deepened feelings of abandonment among the people. The national leadership appears disengaged, treating the Christian genocide reports as a non-issue instead of considering it a national emergency. This lack of political will undermines trust in government institutions and fuels perceptions of complicity or indifference. Mr. Chairman, honorable members, allow me to briefly mention another point so close to my heart: the humanitarian and social impact of this genocide. In the Middle Belt alone, millions of internally displaced persons remain in camps, unable to return to their ancestral lands. This threatens cultural continuity, religious and economic survival. The psychological trauma of survivors of these attacks is immense, with little access to counseling or rehabilitation. Widows, orphans, and survivors face ongoing threats. Girls and women endure sexual violence as a weapon. So many others resort to unsafe coping mechanisms for daily sustenance, destroying families, guarantees that no more Christian be born from so many traumatized women. This is one of the elements of genocide, securing the disappearance of a group by longer-term measures other than murder. Without quick intervention, Christianity risks elimination in parts of northern and Middle Belt Nigeria within a very short time. Let me put it on record here that on behalf of millions of Christians in Nigeria and in the diaspora, we want to thank President Donald J. Trump for his bold leadership in designating Nigeria as a CPC. I commend you, Mr. Chris Smith, and this subcommittee's ongoing leadership. And the recent U.S. designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern is a vital step, but must be backed by serious action: One, using the Magnitsky Act for targeted sanctions on Nigerian government officials and others tolerating or condoning Islamic violence in the country. Tie security and other development or humanitarian aid to measurable protection improvements. Expand humanitarian support for IDPs. The IDPs must return to their ancestral homes and lands with security guarantees by the Nigerian government. They must also be supported to rebuild their economic livelihoods and enjoy basic services such as education and sanitation. Support bills like the Nigerian Religious Freedom Accountability Act to hold perpetrators accountable. This point cannot be overemphasized because it is impunity that fuels the violence we suffer. Irrespective of who and who are being killed, the prime question is, are there killings in Nigeria? And the government should stop it. International advocacy: Work with allies to press Nigeria at the UN and ensure discriminatory laws and blasphemy laws are eradicated or expunged from the Constitution. Closing call to action: The CPC designation has brought immense joy, hope, and spiritual resilience to communities under siege in Nigeria. The Christian faith-based organizations remain among the few sources of relief and encouragement, filling the vacuum left by government inaction. However, the church alone cannot stop the killings. It requires coordinated political, military, and humanitarian intervention. Mr. Chairman and members, the blood of Nigerian Christians cries out to you people. We cannot afford to wait any longer. Renew hearings, pass binding legislations, and use every tool of U.S. influence to demand change. America remains the only country in the world with an International Religious Freedom Act. America has a unique role in defending religious freedom globally. Please enact concrete actions according to the CPC designation. We all know that inaction emboldens the extremists even more. Thank you for listening. I welcome you for this. Thank you very much, and God bless you.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Bishop Anagbe, thank you so very, very much for your testimony, for your leadership. At great risk to yourself and so many of your priests and diocesan folks. I I do thank you, and I wish you well on your trip, and I hope you make your plane. Thank you so very much. It now falls to me as a great honor to introduce our two witnesses from the administration, and they're on their way in right now. Okay, while we're waiting for them to, uh, be seated, um, I want to— no, I got— I think I'm good. Thank you so much, gentlemen, for being here. And let me introduce Ambassador Jonathan Pratt, who is the Senior Bureau Official for the Bureau of African Affairs. From January 2023 to 2025, he served as the bureau's Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary. Prior to that, he was U.S. Ambassador to Djibouti from 2021 to 2023. He is a recipient of the Presidential Rank Award, a Distinguished Honor Award, the Director General's Award for Reporting, and the James Clement Dunn Award for Excellence. And he has spent a lifetime working very effectively on African issues. Thank you, Ambassador Pratt, for being here and testifying. Then we'll hear from Jake McGee, who joined the Department of State in April of 2025 as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. Prior to joining the department, Mr. McGee was an attorney at a global law firm in Washington, D.C., and spent several years in the Middle East as an executive recruiter and taught English in a refugee camp in northern Jordan. Without objection, your full bios will be made a part of the record. Ambassador Pratt, the floor is yours.

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Jacobs, and distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to testify today on the administration's redesignation of Nigeria as a country of particular concern under the International Religious Freedom Act. In June of this year in Benue State, Nigeria, Fulani militants armed with guns and machetes set homes and food stores ablaze and locked families inside burning buildings, killing over 200 Christians. Witnesses reported assailants shouting, Allahu akbar as they assaulted St. Joseph's Church. The Fulani militants targeted Christian farmers, many of them internally displaced persons already seeking refuge from previous violence. Benue State Governor Hyacinth Alia recently warned that his state is, quote, "under siege" and being attacked by terrorists and bandits, highlighting the Nigerian government's failure to intervene. The scale and brutality of violence facing Christian communities is tragic and unacceptable. It represents a serious failing on the part of the authorities. Similarly, on December 23rd, 2023, a series of coordinated attacks began and continued into Christmas morning in Plateau State. The attacks resulted in hundreds of victims; many were women, children, and elderly, unable to flee. At least eight churches were destroyed. Plateau State communities are still reeling today from the overt, religious-based violence of those attacks and their unanswered calls for help. The Nigerian government must do more to protect its Christian citizens who are being targeted and killed. Terrorists, separatists, bandits, and criminal militias in Nigeria wreak havoc throughout the country, with ongoing attacks often deliberately targeting Christian communities. In addition to the violent Islamic extremism and banditry experienced in Nigeria's Middle Belt, there has been a surge in violent attacks across northern Nigeria by violent extremist organizations like ISIS-West Africa, ISIS-Sahel, Boko Haram, JNIM, and al-Qaeda affiliate Ansaru, and Lakurawa. The ongoing violence is a problem of prioritization for the government of Nigeria. Although its military and police are engaged and taking significant losses in their counterterrorism efforts in the northeast, the Nigerian government has not done enough to effectively combat violence in the Middle Belt, protect Christian communities, or hold perpetrators accountable. The intent of the administration's approach is to raise the protection of Christians to the top of the government of Nigeria's priorities, especially in the Middle Belt. Nigeria is a key regional partner, Africa's largest democracy and most populous nation, with whom we share economic and security interests. It is in the United States' interest to work with the Nigerian government on a plan of action to strengthen security for at-risk Christian communities and Nigerians of all faiths whose ability to practice their faith is put in jeopardy by endemic violence and terrorism. We welcome Nigeria's willingness to cooperate following the CPC designation. We look forward to seeing these commitments put into action. The Trump administration is developing a plan to incentivize and compel the Nigerian government to better protect Christian communities and improve religious freedom. This plan will consider U.S. State and Treasury engagement on sanctions, as well as possible Department of War engagement on counterterrorism and other efforts to protect religious communities. Secretary Rubio and Deputy Secretary Landau have engaged already with members of the Nigerian government on the importance of addressing the violence facing Christians in the Middle Belt. Ultimately, the President's decision underscores the administration's commitment to promoting religious freedom as a universal right and a fundamental freedom. The levels of violence and atrocities committed against Christians and communities of all faiths in Nigeria are appalling and threaten this universal right. We remain open to working together with the Nigerians, but we also expect the Nigerian government to deliver results on the ground as proof of their commitment to this universal right. Thank you for your attention, and I welcome your questions.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. Mr. McGee.

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Jacobs, distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to join my colleague, Senior Bureau Official Pratt, to discuss the Trump administration's decision to redesignate Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern in accordance with the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998. President Trump's decisive action to designate Nigeria as a CPC made clear that the United States stands ready to champion the rights of Christians and protect them from religious persecution. The religious freedom situation in Nigeria is well documented in the annual IRF reports. The IRF Act, designed by Congress nearly three decades ago, establishes religious freedom as a U.S. foreign policy priority and mandates that the president call out religious freedom violators as a reflection of the importance our nation places on America's first freedom. As my colleague stated, the levels of violence and atrocities committed against Christians in Nigeria are appalling, particularly in the Middle Belt. These attacks directly target Christian populations. Ample witness testimonies have confirmed attackers used religious language during their attacks and specifically targeted Christians for killing, abduction, and rape. It is clear Nigerians are being attacked and killed because of their faith, and the Nigerian government must uphold its duty to protect them. The United States stands with civil society and religious actors brave enough to speak about the tragic violence and discrimination they face in Nigeria. When Bishop Wilfred Anagbe and Father Remigius Ihyula testified before Chairman Smith hearing last March about religious freedom, these two courageous religious leaders reported they received threats rather than protection from the Nigerian government. But the United States listened, and we will continue to listen and act until the Nigerian government protects religious freedom, strengthens its protections for vulnerable Christians, and holds perpetrators accountable. In addition to these failures, Nigerian officials also continue to prosecute individuals for alleged blasphemy, which stands in clear violation of Nigeria's obligation to safeguard free speech. Under the Sharia penal codes enforced in 12 of its states, Nigeria is one of only eight countries in the world that allows for penalties up to execution for blasphemy, along with Iran and Pakistan, which have long been designated CPCs. When authorities detain individuals accused of blasphemy, the judicial process often takes years while they remain in prison, sometimes on death row. Mobs often take the law into their own hands with impunity. For example, in 2022, a mob killed Deborah Samuel Yakubu, a student of Shehu Shagari College of Education, Sokoto, in a heinous attack after she was accused of blasphemy. This young Christian woman's life was taken too soon, yet her murderers remain free. With horrifying reports of discrimination, abuse, torture, disappearance, and even the murder of individuals simply trying to practice their faith freely and safely, religious freedom is not an abstraction, but an obligation Nigeria must uphold. This administration has heard the steady clarion call from civil society and religious actors about the pernicious impact of the violence on religious communities. The Nigerian government must protect religious freedom, strengthen protections of vulnerable Christians, hold perpetrators accountable, and make measurable progress toward ending this violence against Christians, as well as any Nigerians persecuted for their faith. We greatly appreciate the committee's dedication to shedding light on the situation in Nigeria and support in advancing religious freedom, not just in Nigeria, but around the world. And I want to personally thank you, Chairman Smith, for your tireless efforts over the decades about religious freedom, and of course other human rights abuses, including combating human trafficking. So, thank you, Chairman Smith. I welcome your questions.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you so very much for your testimonies. The phrase incentivize and compel, which you used, Ambassador Pratt, I think is an excellent one. Last night, and I know others met with the delegation that traveled here, and I know they're meeting with you and other at State, the head of National Security Advisor Ribadu and his delegation, including the Attorney General. I raised the very significant issue of CPC is not forever. You can get off of it. And everybody who gets put on CPC, or especially including on the trafficking laws, and I wrote them, Trafficking Victims Protection Act, I wrote that in the year 2000, and I have met with more delegations who always say, Not us. Somebody else is doing the trafficking. It's not us. There's always this culture of denial, and that goes for states that are our allies who get put on that list, and that includes CPC, and as well as countries that are not necessarily our allies, like China, which is both a Tier 3 country for trafficking and a CPC country and has been from the very beginning of of implementation of Frank Wolf's famous law, the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998. It's such a familiar refrain, and it flies in the face of evidence, and evidence is what it's all about. I mean, the prosecutorial discretion that is not shown in Nigeria to go after and to deploy detectives and and and protection capabilities from the police, it's just not there. We hear it so frequently, and if it is there, show us. They always say, Well, they're they're bandits, or this or that. But what's the motivation behind Boko Haram? And I went to my opening statement, or would remind you, I kept asking the administration then, Why do you keep dismissing that this isn't a a radical Islamist organization called Boko Haram? Yeah, they hate moderate Muslims too. I've heard that, as like as I said, from many imams myself, and they certainly hate Christians and will kill them to procure their ends. So I I just we need to have that in all human rights. I found that to be the case. Author of two laws on religious freedom. I did the Frank Wolf bill in 2016, which put entities of particular concern, a lot of other things into the law, working with Frank, who's in retirement, Wolf, that champion for religious freedom. And I've got to tell you, every time we I talked to a delegation, every single time, they deny it. Every time. And after a while, it's like, what's your denial going to be? So last night, when I was talking to this high-level delegation, I know some of my colleagues met with them as well. I said, We're just looking for progress. We're standing with your oppressed people. These Nigerians are not Americans. We do have a very large diaspora. They're wonderful, many in New Jersey, but we're not talking about that. We're talking about in the country, and we stand in solidarity with the oppressed and not the oppressor. And we wrote in the original Religious Freedom Act, and this is very important because they say, Well, we're not killing people. We're not doing- Well, engaged in or tolerated, tolerated. When you don't prosecute, when you don't protect, that's toleration, and that's written right into the law as a criteria for designation of CPC. So I I I know that's what you've done, and I thank you for your due diligence on this. And there are a lot of other groups, left and right. Amnesty International keeps saying, and I and I've raised this with the ICC, I've had ICC prosecutors testify at my hearings, particularly on Nagorno-Karabakh when they're using food as a weapon. We're not signatories to it, but it it's out there. Well, Nigeria is. And Amnesty, again, last year, they keep asking, Where's the prosecutions for this? Nigeria: Amnesty International Petitions the ICC Judges to End Prosecutors' Delaying of Justice for Atrocity Crimes. So are they wrong too? And I do hope that And without objection, I would ask that that article be made a part of the record about Amnesty. So it's it's very, very concerning. And I do hope that you will know that this is just par for the course. It's just, Not us, and it gets very, very tiresome. Show us that it's not you. Open it all up. How many of you Where are the prosecutions? We hear from so many Christians that they dial into the police and nobody shows up. And then there's no investigation. One of my sons is a detective. You've got to do detective work, find out who it is, and put them into jail if they're guilty. And that's not happening. They give some numbers. I remember with Nicolae Ceaușescu, when I fought against the Securitate, we used to have people coming around this place saying, Oh, he's a great He has church He has no religious freedom issues. He allows churches. He was crushing the Jewish as well as the Christian communities in in through his Securitate, the the secret police of Romania. So I you know, it's like we just keep seeing this refrain over and over again. So if you might want to comment on that, because again, my argument last night to that high-level delegation: we want you to succeed. We absolutely want you to rid yourself of this cancer that hates moderate Muslims and absolutely hates and kills, as well, Christians.

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Well, as you and I discussed yesterday, the designation, we hope, will sharpen minds and sharpen attention to the issue. As you mentioned, there is a delegation already here now in Washington this week, a very senior delegation. They'll be meeting with the Deputy Secretary of State. They're meeting with Department of War officials as well. And the Secretary of State has directed us at the State Department to work with the Nigerian government on an action plan and to set up a task force to address this issue and use all of the tools that are at our disposal to focus minds and focus attention on this issue. Thank you.

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

As you mentioned, Chairman, this is not a new issue. This has been going on in Nigeria for several years. President Trump designated Nigeria in 2020, and the previous administration removed Nigeria as a CPC in 2021 and 2022 and 2023. And so a CPC designation, as my colleague just mentioned, focuses the minds of people in Nigeria. It puts the onus on the government of Nigeria to take action to protect its own citizens, including people of all faiths, not just Christians. Muslim communities are affected as well, other communities. And so the CPC designation is a step that starts a conversation that leads to greater engagement with the Nigerian government, because ultimately this is their responsibility.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Let me just, there is talk—while CPC is not a designation of genocide, there is a very cogent argument to be made that this is a genocide. And I remind people that, again, there's all this denial. I had three hearings on the Armenian genocide. And I had sitting right where you're sitting, Mr. McGee, an ambassador from Turkey who said, If you recognize—and we had a good bipartisan effort going on this—if you recognize the so-called Armenian genocide, we'll throw you out of your base in İncirlik. And I said, What a great NATO partner you are. It was just amazing. We've seen it over and over again. When I went to Darfur and met with Bashir, then went to the UN Human Rights Commission, as it was called then, not the Council, we were flabbergasted that they wouldn't call what was happening in Darfur a genocide. And again, I remind everybody, Article 2 says genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group as such, in whole or in part. It's very clear. Now, we're not talking in CPC about genocide. But when we fought against ISIS, and Jeff Fortenberry did a very serious bill because the administration then would not recognize what ISIS was doing to the Chaldeans, and I went and visited with them in that part of the world, I was shocked that they wouldn't do it. We got a bipartisan piece of legislation passed that did recognize the genocide, and then finally John Kerry said, Okay, we'll call it what it is. So, in whole or in part, and that's what's happening here, at least in part. And the president did say he's worried about the extermination if it's allowed to continue onward. So I would like to ask, just for the record, the department has seven positions vacant in our embassy in Nigeria, including individual rights, religious freedom reports, and the like. I just encourage you to fill those as quickly as possible. I think that would be very helpful if you could. And I yield to Ms. Jacobs.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. So, as I noted in my opening remarks, a recent Devex article described a former program from Search for Common Ground that Secretary Rubio terminated earlier this year. This program set up critical early warning systems in communities in Yelwada, a predominantly Christian region in Nigeria's Middle Belt, that actually worked in decreasing instances of violence and deaths. In June, this same community experienced an attack, but without that early warning system, nearly 200 people died and 4,000 people fled their homes. Security forces arrived long after the attackers left, and had this program still been in place, it could have prevented some of these deaths by sending early warning signs ahead of the attack and taking actions to prevent or respond to it. Mr. McGee, this program was funded by your bureau, the Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Bureau. Can you explain to the committee why the department canceled this program?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Thank you for your question, Ranking Member Jacobs. As Secretary Rubio has said time and again, America is the most generous country in the world, and we will continue to be the most generous country in the world. We are looking at every option to stop this atrocious violence, but ultimately the violence must be stopped by the Nigerian government.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Okay, in

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

terms of programming,

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

will you recommend restarting this program to the Secretary?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

So, to your question, Ranking Member Jacobs, we do have ongoing programming, including early warning and early response systems that are effective across the Middle Belt, and they have saved lives. And so, we have a lot of tools at our disposal in DRL and across the State Department, that is not just assistance, but is security, that is economic engagement. Across the State Department, we're reviewing every single tool that we have to make sure that this violence stops. But ultimately, America can partner with the Nigerian government, but the Nigerian government must take responsibility and protect religious freedom for all communities, especially Christians right now who are suffering disproportionately.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

So, my understanding is that most of those programs have been canceled, but I look forward to hearing from you which of those programs have continued to be funded and, and which you intend to restart. Earlier this month, President Trump posted on Truth Social threatening to cut off all aid to Nigeria and go into the country, quote, "guns a-blazing," to, quote, "completely wipe out terrorists." He ordered Secretary Hegseth to prepare for possible actions. This reckless threat provoked calls within the Nigerian government and public to respect Nigeria's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Ambassador Pratt, what role has Secretary Rubio been given to respond to this challenge using diplomatic and development tools?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Thank you for the question. The Secretary of State, as I, as I mentioned, has directed us to come up with a comprehensive plan using all of the tools that are at our disposal, primarily diplomatic, but also security, also assistance cooperation programs. This would span from security to policing to economic. We want to look at all of these tools and have a comprehensive strategy to get the best result possible.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Great. We will look forward to seeing that strategy. There were public reports that AFRICOM has laid out three potential military options. What is the status of this decision at an interagency level?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

We have had interagency discussions about all of the tools that are at our disposal, including on the security side of the equation, and we have a live discussion with the Nigerian government about how we can assist them in responding to security threats in the country, including this one.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Have there been any NSC meetings on this issue?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

There have.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Okay. And, um,

SPEAKER_UNKNOWN

uh,

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

I wanted to turn to another program that I raised during my remarks, the Community Initiatives to Promote Peace. Again, this one, incredibly successful, saw positive results showing that only 10% of people who received this training experienced violence in their communities compared to 41% of people who didn't. This is an extremely low-cost, effective intervention, and yet, again, this program was eliminated. Mr. McGee, can you help the committee understand why this program wasn't deemed worthwhile to continue?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

So, again, the program that I mentioned that we still have continuing in the Middle Belt, Early Warning, Early Response, also includes dialogue amongst religious communities. And we have seen effective dialogue between those communities that do promote religious tolerance, addressing some of the root causes that you mentioned earlier. And so we're committed to continue to provide support to the Nigerian government that obviously doesn't go to the Nigerian government, it goes to locally owned and locally managed programming opportunities. And so we're still doing that programming, and we're committed to use every tool at our disposal to help the Nigerian government take care of this issue.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Thank you. The State Department still has not submitted the annual International Religious Freedom Report that is statutorily required by May of this year. It's November. This committee has not seen this administration's analysis, therefore, of the situation in Nigeria or actions taken in support of religious freedom. Mr. McGee, when will we see this report? When will the State Department submit it?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

So, as you mentioned, Ranking Member Jacobs, the IRF reports are a valuable tool to give an overview of religious freedom in every country around the world and to tell the Nigerian government steps they can take and the situation on the ground. So we're working on those, and will be released soon. There's also, of course, the Human Rights Reports that have been released that are a snapshot or an overview of the human rights condition in every country around the world, 198 countries and territories. And so we're committed to releasing the IRF reports as soon as they're ready.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Okay, great. In mid-October, Senior Advisor Boulos stated that Boko Haram and ISIS are killing more Muslims than Christians. What is the State Department's assessment? Have these groups killed more Muslims or Christians? And what evidence is the State Department citing that Christians in Nigeria are at specific grave risk of atrocities?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

So President Trump has made clear that we are to respect and promote religious freedom for all communities. In Nigeria, there is a particular problem of targeting of Christians, and they have suffered a disproportionate number of killings compared to their population, especially in the Middle Belt. And when we see attackers chanting religious slogans, churches being destroyed to the tune of thousands of the last several years, thousands of Christians being killed, and particular targeting on Christian holidays like Christmas and Easter and other holidays, this shows there's a religious component targeted towards Christians in particular. That being said, we stand with all communities around the world who are suffering religious persecution because of their faith. We value religious freedom as a per se good, and we're committed to protect religious communities no matter where they are. As I think Chairman Smith mentioned in his remarks, of the thousands of Christians who have been killed this year around the world, the vast majority have been killed in Nigeria, which is a problem the government of Nigeria must take seriously.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Okay, I disagree with your assessment, but I look forward to seeing the report that has it all laid out. Last question, Ambassador Pratt: Yesterday, President Trump announced this administration would start focusing on trying to end the war in Sudan. This is a welcome development, and I hope you all are successful. I am, however, concerned that the sporadic high-level attention without the appropriate staff at the working level will not be enough to bring a sustained end to the war or transition to a real peace process that includes Sudanese civilians. Could you share more about the State Department's strategy to bring the war in Sudan to an end? How many people on your team are dedicated to this portfolio? Has there been an NSC meeting about this recently? Will there be shortly? How can we be sure that this will be a sustained

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Thank you very much, Ranking Member Jacobs. I'm very proud to have fought very hard to retain all of the staff in the Africa Bureau during the recent reorganization that the State Department undertook. We were able to prevent very— excuse me, present very convincing data about the understaffing historically in the Bureau. And so not only did we retain staff, we also gained additional staff to help on the assistance side. On Sudan, we retain a very large office by State Department standards focused on Sudan, and we are very lucky to have Senior Advisor Boulos, who has brought high-level White House attention to two key issues for us, which is Eastern DRC, as you know, and Sudan. Senior Advisor Boulos has also worked on other issues to bring profile and attention to them. And so we welcome the president's comments and profile in his meetings with the Saudi leader yesterday to draw attention and resources to this issue.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Okay. Listen, I know you all are doing what you can. AF is mostly intact. Staff bandwidth is still limited by USAID cuts at embassy and the cut to the Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations that I know was working hard on this issue. And you've yet— the administration has yet to name a special envoy for Sudan. So I look forward to continuing this conversation to make sure that you all have what you need to be successful in this endeavor. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.

Rep. James Baird (R-IN)SPEAKER_04

Mr. Baird. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to thank our witnesses for being here. My question deals with the responsibility, and we've heard a lot about that already, of the Nigerian government for putting an end to this prosecution or persecution. So has the United States really been able to see any progress in terms of the Nigerian government recognizing a duty on its part to reduce this persecution and targeted violence? And to and to what extent, if any, has the government's accountability made any improvement in reducing these persecutions?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

So, as I mentioned in my opening statement, thank you for your question, Representative Baird. The Nigerian government has to do more. There have been attacks where zero perpetrators have been held to account and zero prosecutions. Heinous attacks that cost lives, that drive people out of their homes. There are hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of internally displaced peoples, and those individuals who caused that displacement have not been held to account. So, as SBO Pratt mentioned, we're having high-level engagement with the Nigerian government. We have a great partnership on a lot of issues like security, trade, other things, but we're encouraging them to actually take ownership of this responsibility and prosecute the criminals and terrorists who have perpetrated this persecution.

Rep. James Baird (R-IN)SPEAKER_04

So do you feel like there's any movement on the part of the government, Nigerian government, to do that, to move to protect their people? I just wanted a hint of whether they're moving that direction or not.

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

So, I think President Trump took bold action in redesignating Nigeria as a CPC, and that, I believe, has gotten the attention of the Nigerian government. We're engaged in high-level dialogues with them, including this week at the very highest levels. We're planning engagement on the ground, both through our embassy there and other trips, to make sure that Nigerians hear our very important message that they have to do better. So, I think we're making progress in the right direction. President Trump's bold action on the CPC designation was an important step. It's gotten their attention in the Nigerian government, but we need to do a lot more.

Rep. James Baird (R-IN)SPEAKER_04

So, Mr. Pratt, I want to delve a little deeper into that CPC designation that he just mentioned. And the Trump administration designated Nigeria as a CPC. So do you anticipate the administration will be less likely to issue a waiver in the current administration as opposed to President Trump's first term? And if the president does not issue a waiver this time, do you think that the lack of a waiver now will apply the necessary pressure to the government to reduce these persecutions?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Thank you very much. We are putting together, as I mentioned, a comprehensive plan to use all the tools available. And so I expect, as we're cooperating with the government of Nigeria on what those tools will be, if there is specific U.S. government programs or assistance that will require a waiver, and through agreement in our cooperative relationship with the government of Nigeria on what will be effective and successful, that we may need to seek waivers for some programs. There may be other programs that we will not seek waivers for.

Rep. James Baird (R-IN)SPEAKER_04

Thank you. Mr. McGee, do you have any comments in that regard?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

I would just echo what SBO Pratt has said, that we're engaged in high levels, and if waivers are needed for certain programs, we're willing to do that. But the important thing is to get the Nigerian government's attention, including about the Sharia law that still exists in the 12 northern states, up to and including the death penalty as a device of punishment. And so we're having frank conversations with Nigerians at all levels of government and are committed to do whatever it takes to continue to encourage them to take actual action and not just talk.

Rep. James Baird (R-IN)SPEAKER_04

So I thank both of you for being here, and Mr. Chairman, I yield back. I thank

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

You very much. Ms. Jayapal.

Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA)SPEAKER_14

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to thank our witnesses for being here this morning. And before we turn to Nigeria, since this is the first time we have you in front of us, in front of the committee, I just want to quickly talk about Sudan, because I do think this is so critical. And the humanitarian situation there, the you know, the incredible numbers—I mean, 400,000 killed, over 11 million displaced, 30 million in need of humanitarian aid. This is just a stunning crisis. And I did want to appreciate the administration's recent comments on this, particularly Secretary Rubio, when he called for action to cut off the supply of weapons to the Rapid Support Forces. And as the Secretary had previously acknowledged, it has been widely documented that the UAE has been one of the primary drivers in fueling those weapons to the RSF. So I hope that—I want to urge the administration to use every piece of leverage that we have to halt that support. And I hope, Mr. Chairman, thank you for your leadership and for the ranking member's leadership on this issue. I hope that we can take up the bill from Representative Meeks and Representative Jacobs. I know it was on our agenda, but I think it's important for us to take up that bill at the earliest opportunity, because this is a moment for us, I think, to all focus on the horrific crisis there. So, I just want to urge you to do everything you can. And we are spending a lot of time on this issue. I have a lot of constituents who are directly impacted by this in the Sudanese diaspora. So thank you. Thank you for that. The devastating levels of violence in Nigeria are clear, but I appreciate that people have also recognized it isn't just the persecution of Christians. This is persecution of multiple groups, and I think we have to be careful not to portray it just as persecution of Christians. That feels to me simplistic, and it doesn't account for the intersectional diversity of Nigeria. Certainly religion is a contributing factor to the violence, but a review by Search for Common Ground found that in Nigeria's Middle Belt region, religion was not a primary driver of conflict. Instead, violence has been directed against both Christians and Muslims, regardless of religion, at the hands of armed terror groups like Boko Haram and ISIS West Africa, or fueled by differences in lifestyle between farmer and herder groups, compounded by climate change and governance issues. And so, I'm I want to start by saying I'm very concerned that a day after President Trump saw a clip on Fox News about the persecution of Christians in Nigeria, he threatened to go, quote, "guns a-blazing" in Nigeria and revoke all assistance. That would include all global health funding, despite Nigeria accounting for over a quarter of annual malaria deaths a year and being home to the world's third largest population living with HIV. These are all issues I worked on in Africa long before coming to Congress. In response, the Nigerian government criticized any action that would violate Nigeria's sovereignty and territorial integrity. I know, Ambassador Pratt, that you've spoken about some agreements, some conversations, and a task force with the Nigerian government. But can you tell me under what authority would the U.S. military strike inside of Nigeria?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Well, the Secretary of State—and thank you for the question, Congresswoman—the Secretary of State has directed us to put together a comprehensive plan that uses all tools at our disposal, including security and Department of War. And this would be primarily focused on the security that we are providing to the government of Nigeria and how they are deploying their assets. We can also share information and intelligence. We can talk about counterterrorism. And so those are the tools that we are primarily looking at in our strategy.

Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA)SPEAKER_14

Don't you think it would have been appropriate to have the task force discussion and the alternatives presented prior to the president going on Truth Social and saying we're going to go guns blazing into Nigeria?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

We've been working on these problem sets in Nigeria for a long time. We have a lot of programs of assistance in the country. They did undergo a foreign assistance review, but many of them continue, and we want to make sure that we're using them strategically to get the best outcomes.

Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA)SPEAKER_14

Very diplomatically said, Ambassador. I just wish we would actually stick to that playbook rather than a bully and threaten of a country that is extremely important to us and to the region. I don't think that's the right way to go, to just go on Truth Social and threaten guns a-blazing. I think what you've described is much more appropriate, and I look forward to to seeing what comes out of that. We had Ambassador Kelley Currie here before before a different subcommittee of this committee, former Trump appointee. And she said in front of the committee in a hearing yesterday, I think it's a very relevant quote, "You cannot solve problems created by men with guns by turning to men with guns for the solution." And I just would urge us to think about that. This is coming from a Trump former Trump appointee. I think if we were to do this, it would just serve to further radicalize communities and risk turning the aggression of actors like Boko Haram and ISIS-West Africa directly to the United States. I want to I just have 50

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Gentlelady, it's expired.

Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA)SPEAKER_14

Oh, it's expired. I'm so sorry. I thought I had 50 seconds left. Thank you for your indulgence. I yield back.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

The Chair recognizes Mr. Huizenga.

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

Thank you, Chairman Smith. And I'm going to deviate a little bit from my, from my written remarks, much to the chagrin of my staff, but I feel it needs to, to, to be addressed right from the very beginning. The simple fact is radicalized Islamists are running amok in Nigeria. They are terrorizing moderate Muslims, they're terrorizing Christians, and they are targeting Christians. That cannot be disputed. And while we see many people trying to emphasize the outside issues—lifestyle, who owns land, who is the herder, etc., etc.—they want to emphasize that, that those are the key drivers and that they're the key drivers of everything but religion. And I and many others—and I'm not just talking about those of us on this committee or Americans, I'm talking about religious leaders in Nigeria—believe religion is one of, if not the, main driver of targeted violence right now. We just heard from Bishop Anagbe. A week ago, a week and a half ago, I talked to President Magaji. President Magaji is the president of my own—he's the Nigerian president of my own faith sect, the Christian Reformed Church. We have 400,000, mostly from a Dutch background, 400,000 participants and members here in North America between the United States and Canada. We have 500,000 in Nigeria. We are essentially an African church that happens to be headquartered in Grand Rapids, Michigan. And I want to ask this question, because this seems to be sort of part of the central argument: Well, this isn't necessary. Well, certainly the Trump administration believed it was necessary the first go-around. And I want to ask this question: Did things improve when the Biden administration removed the CPC?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Thank you for your question, Representative.

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

And just for the record, I'm seeing a number of heads shaking no in the— right behind you. And these are, these are, these are people that may have a little better information than what the American media is, and they're all nodding their head right now. So go ahead.

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Thank you for your question, Representative Huizenga. As you mentioned, violence has increased over the last several years. It was unfortunate that the Biden administration chose to remove Nigeria as a CPC in 2021 and 2022 and 2023, and President Trump's bold action to redesignate them is a wake-up call to the Nigerian government. And as you mentioned, religion is extremist religious ideology is of course a primary motivator of these attacks. The attackers themselves use religious language. They target churches. They target Christians on holidays.

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

Yeah And absolutely, it was Christmas Eve of 2023 when 200 people were murdered, killed in a church. Now, I want to ask this. So, one question was, did things improve? I think the answer is no on that. Here's the question: Proportionally, do we see Christians killing Muslims in Christian areas of Nigeria the way that we are seeing radicalized Islamists killing Christians in Muslim areas of Nigeria?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

What I can tell you, Representative Huizenga, is that Christians are disproportionately targeted based on their population.

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

Exactly. And by the way, for those that you can't pick up with the microphones, there's audible yeses behind you. Again, the people that are watching who are nodding their heads. Why? Because they have lived this. Their families have lived this. I went to school with kids from Nigeria. I've got neighbors who've been missionaries there, who have family there, who have friends there, who know this is going on. Yet we've got not just the mass media, we got people within Congress denying that this is happening or certainly deemphasizing it. It ought to be outrageous that it is Christians, moderate Muslims, anyone being terrorized by these radicalized Islamists in Nigeria, and we've got the Tinubu government sitting back and not doing enough. And I recently just was interviewed by Nigerian television, Arise News, and that was really their question: Is the Tinubu government doing enough? And I had to answer, no, they are not. And I do not understand how a delegation can come here to the United States and downplay and come up with all of these other excuses as to why this is allowed to happen. It should be rejected and should be called out for what it is. And I I've got a couple of other questions that um my time has expired that I'm going to have to go and and and ask for them in written responses. But I'm going to One of them I need to highlight is in Benue State, there's 1.4 million people who are who are considered internally displaced. Understanding that the administration has supported refugee assistance in dozens of other countries since taking office, what humanitarian assistance support are you providing or plan to provide to the IDPs in Benue and Taraba states, where many of those Christian communities reside? And I'll have to take the answer in writing. And Mr. Chairman, with your with your indulgence, just to just to show the breadth of this, I want to put in submit for the record remarks from the chairman of the Financial Services Committee, French Hill from from Arkansas, who is also serves on the on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, the Intel Committee. And I serve as vice chair of the of the Committee of Financial Services. This is where many of those sanctions originate and and the enforcement. And I will say this: Sanctions are only as good as your willingness to to enforce them. And as the chairman has pointed out, there are ways to get out of those sanctions, and that's through correct your behavior. So with that, Mr. Chairman, I'd like to submit. Thank you. And with that, I yield back.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Chair recognizes Mr. Jackson.

Rep. Jonathan Jackson (D-IL)SPEAKER_12

Thank you, Chairman Smith. Thank you, Ranking Member Jacobs and the distinguished members of the subcommittee. Thank you for convening this critical hearing. The crisis in Nigeria demands our clear-eyed attention, not political exploitation. I'd like to thank our esteemed panelists that have taken the time to come before us today. Thank you for your work on Africa on the ground, and at least one of you brings that experience. However, I must express my shock and, if you will, a bit of outrage that we are not putting into these top positions people who are directly from and represent the culture and the lived experiences of the African people. Currently, we still have unfulfilled positions that are very important, which demonstrates this administration's lack of sincerity towards moving us towards more dialogue as opposed to destruction. The Assistant Secretary for African Affairs has not been appointed, or even nominated. The Senior Director for Africa at the NSC has not been appointed or Director for Middle East and African Affairs. I've had the honor of traveling to Nigeria now for 4 decades and meeting with Nigerians in the diaspora for decades as well. They are unequivocally some of the most tolerant, productive, and loving people that you will ever meet. We are speaking today about a nation of extraordinary promise and complexity, a country of nearly 240 million people, home to 250 ethnic groups and 2 major religions, Christianity and Islam, that have coexisted and built a society together for generations. The idea that this nation is simply engaged in a one-sided religious war, I believe, is a dangerous fiction. The current government, led by President Tinubu, a Muslim married to an ordained Christian minister, reflects this complexity. Out of the 9 top security chiefs, 5 are Christians, including the Chief of Defence Staff and the head of the air force. Nigeria is a diverse, complex democracy, and we must treat it as such. The suffering in Nigeria is immense. The insecurity is a major issue for all Nigerians. We must stand firmly with every victim and survivor. Violence against any person of faith is unacceptable. With approximately 8,000 civilians of all faiths killed so far this year, the pain felt by Christians and Muslim communities alike deserve our compassion and, again, not our exploitation. The truth is that Nigeria's wave of violence stems from a complex mix of ethnic, economic, external, and religious tensions. Boko Haram and other extremist groups have killed both Christians and Muslims indiscriminately. Communities across Nigeria, from farmers in Plateau State to herders in the north, have suffered unspeakable, staggering losses. To simplify this tragedy by calling it solely a Christian genocide, I believe, ignores the full difficult truth and the suffering of all Nigerians. Therefore, the answer, I believe, is not and will never be American bombs or boots on the ground. We have not given diplomacy an exhaustive chance. I have previously denounced the threat to deploy U.S. troops to Nigeria, calling it a dangerous overreach that risks reigniting colonial-era patterns of intervention on the African continent. We cannot allow the sudden interest in Nigeria's internal conflict to be a pretext for military action when this same impulse was absent in the Sudan, in the DRC, or the Central African Republic. Furthermore, we must address the sheer hypocrisy of a military-first approach when non-military support has been repeatedly undermined. As The New York Times's Nicholas Kristof has rightly stated, Trump aid cuts kill more Christians than jihadists. Deep cuts to the USAID program and global food and health programs have severely limited America's ability to provide the kind of non-military support that was estimated to be saving the lives of more than a quarter-million Nigerians each year. When you defund USAID and shut down peacebuilding initiatives, you leave communities vulnerable. You don't stabilize Africa with missiles. You stabilize it with schools, with clean water, with economic opportunity, with true partnership. The path to peace in Nigeria must come through dialogue, development, and dignity, not denomination. America should be a partner in healing, not a hammer looking for a nail. I urge this subcommittee to prioritize a diplomacy-first approach, fully fund our humanitarian aid and peacebuilding initiatives, and work with the Nigerian government to eliminate terrorist, criminal groups, securing a safer and more stable future for all Nigerians. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I look forward to the testimony. I yield back.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you very much.

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

Who's next?

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Well, Mr. Fine, the chair recognizes Mr. Fine.

Rep. Randy Fine (R-FL)SPEAKER_17

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for allowing me to participate today. As I thought about what I would talk about today, I thought of a flag that I saw flown on October 7th, 2023. It said, First we come for the Saturday people. Tomorrow we come for the Sunday people. And as we have this hearing today, I ask myself, how many countries are we going to allow this to happen in until we take it seriously? On October 7th, 2023, people yelling, Allahu Akbar attempted to genocide the Jews. A few months ago, people yelling, Allahu Akbar attempted to genocide the Druze in Syria. And here we are talking today about another group of people yelling, Allahu Akbar trying to genocide Christians. How many countries are we going to have this happen to? How often are we going to allow this to be whitewashed and both-siderists until we acknowledge that we have a serious problem that we have out there? I want to thank President Trump for doing this. Joe Biden never should have done it. And my question when I get to it will be, why do you think he did? Why do you think he took them off the list? But I want to thank President Trump for taking a leadership role because we must stomp out this evil wherever it presents itself. I want to thank the chairman for choosing to have a hearing on this. And I want to thank my colleague, my fellow freshman, Representative Moore, for also raising the profile of this issue around the world. It is easy for me to criticize this when it happens in Israel and when it happens with the Jews, given who I am, but it is important that we call out evil wherever it is. And I am sick and tired of the fetishism and the whitewashing of the problem. This is a real problem that we have to acknowledge in a country where you can get the death penalty for criticizing a religion. And we'll talk about that if I have time to get to questions. That is not okay. That is not acceptable. That is not a value that America should ever stand by and allow. We are allowed to have whatever opinions we want in this country, no matter how reprehensible they may be. We should demand that from others if they wish for our aid and assistance. But what I'm most tired of is the delusional belief that if we all just sit down around some sort of hypothetical drum circle, as I heard earlier, that we can resolve our differences. People are being killed, and it requires people to stand up and use force to keep them and to make them safe. I'd like to ask the ambassador: Since 2009, it's believed 19,000 Christian churches have been destroyed. My question to you is, was that a coincidence? Were they just randomly targeting buildings and these 19,000 buildings happened to be churches, or were they targeted because they were churches?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Thank you for the question, Congressman. As my colleague has said, and the Trump administration strongly believes that there has been a disproportionate number of attacks on Christian communities, which is the reason for the designation.

Rep. Randy Fine (R-FL)SPEAKER_17

Okay, and so let me follow up with this. Why do you think Joe Biden decided, given this was going on, we're all good, we're taking this away, everything's going to be fine now? What led to this delusional strategy that led to the deaths of Christian people?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

I can't speak to that decision.

Rep. Randy Fine (R-FL)SPEAKER_17

What do you think?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

I would say that there was probably a discussion around strategic interests, but the performance did not achieve the result intended, which is why this administration has made a decision that we need to see more performance in this area in terms of security for all Nigerians, but especially to tackle this particular problem.

Rep. Randy Fine (R-FL)SPEAKER_17

Okay I'd like to ask Mr. McGee a question. What is the administration's position and how strongly have you encouraged the Nigerian government as it relates to blasphemy laws? You know, this idea— you talked about problems that people are having there. They go to jail for years because of their words. Because of their criticism. Not saying I agree with their criticism all the time, but all they're doing is they're not threatening anyone, they're not killing anyone, but somehow they go to jail for blasphemy, something unfortunately many people moving to this country want to impose on us here. What has the administration done to say to that, that's not okay, we're not going to abide by that?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

So, it is unacceptable in a free and democratic society to have blasphemy laws, period. They are not only imposing on somebody's free speech, but they're also imposing on their right to practice their own religion freely. And when blasphemy laws are used as a tool by the mob or bandits, whatever you want to call them, to attack Christians, it shows that blasphemy laws are a problem per se. It's one of the reasons, one of the many reasons why the Trump administration opposes these laws, and it's one of the reasons why Nigeria is on the CPC list, because these Sharia laws are being used as a bludgeon against Christians oftentimes.

Rep. Randy Fine (R-FL)SPEAKER_17

I want to thank you both for being here, and I will close by thanking President Trump for being willing to go after Muslim terror wherever it rears its ugly head around the world. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you, Mr. Fine. Dr. Cherfilus-McCormick.

Rep. Richard McCormick (R-GA)SPEAKER_00

Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you for having this hearing. Africa is an area of particular concern to myself, a person who's been deployed there a couple times on Marine Expeditionary Units, seen some horrible things. It was interesting to me when the, one of the caucuses here in this august House claimed that President Bush waited too long to go into a certain country to secure the capital of Liberia after a presidential exile because he didn't give a damn about Africans. Meanwhile, we stood by during the Clinton administration in '94 when I was in Entebbe, Uganda, waiting to go into Uganda into Rwanda while about a million people were killed in very similar fashion to what's happening right now: people being hacked to death with machetes. I've seen some very graphic things of what's going on right now: people literally being dismembered by machetes, people digging their own graves and and and literally being just summarily executed. And yet the right thing to do is to continue with the diplomacy that's resulted in this all along, to to take them off the CPC. And this idea that it was this ever went away is ridiculous. We're right now considering selling, to arm them, one of the most advanced attack helicopters, the AH-1 Whiskey, the Viper, or actually it's the Zulu. I'm very concerned with how that's going to be deployed and against whom. We've seen the integration of of very, very radical people inside of the government agencies themselves. And we've seen this in Afghanistan. When I was in Afghanistan, we saw the same thing, where where the bad actors actually get inside of the government agencies and and turn upon their own people. Very concerning. We saw Tigran Gambaryan, one of my constituents, taken hostage by the Nigerian government and held hostage for several months because of some business dispute they had with somebody in America. Bad acting on the Nigerian government's behalf. Now, you talked about, I'm going to quote you on high-level things, Mr. McGee, high-level meetings, what the next step would be, a lot more, but I'm asking for specifics at this point because I've never seen generalities ever result in anything that's been of consequence. What can we do on the international, by an international community, whether it be from the transnation in Africa or through the international community, through the UN, which I've seen be highly ineffective in the past? But what can we do of of of quantity and quality that's actually going to make a difference in Africa? Because we haven't been doing it. What specifically, not generalities? Can you give me those answers, between the two of you?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Uh, sir, just a clarification, please. Uh, across all of Africa or specifically in—

Rep. Richard McCormick (R-GA)SPEAKER_00

specifically in Nigeria, but all of Africa can actually contribute to solving this problem. We can use several countries to help us out with this. We don't have to be the only force to to be what's

SPEAKER_UNKNOWN

the story?

The Honorable Jonathan Pratt

Well, sir, I believe that, uh, above all, uh, development and commercial investment in the continent can yield the best dividends, which is one of the reasons why this administration has focused so heavily on our commercial strategy in Africa. We rewrote the strategy and we've focused very heavily on delivering U.S. companies to the continent because we believe that they offer the best in terms of quality and can bring the most development, and it also delivers for the United States. We've focused very heavily on security, and AFRICOM has engaged heavily across the continent. So, security is very important. Law enforcement is a very important piece of that as well. And so I'd say, as you look across the continent, the number one priority that I would place, because it lifts all boats, is the economic piece, and I'd focus on commercial.

Rep. Richard McCormick (R-GA)SPEAKER_00

So, the AFRICOM commander is a Marine, four-star, good friend of mine, and I understand what his limitations have been. Obviously, we don't want to be—if you're not invited into a country, it makes it much more difficult. I've seen the leverage we have economically, but I'm worried also about pushing them into Chinese arms, which they're ready and waiting to pilfer that country and its resources. What about how we deal with the international community coming in there and stabilizing it in a military fashion so that we can actually stop the violence? Because it doesn't seem like the government's being effective in that at all.

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

The new AFRICOM commander, General Anderson, it's good to hear that he's a colleague of yours, is highly capable, as you know, special forces. He's brought a lot of focus to the continent and how he would like to work with African governments, including Nigeria, on sharing information and on achieving better outcomes on the security side of the equation. And so he's been very, very engaged and, and I believe will achieve results

Rep. Richard McCormick (R-GA)SPEAKER_00

Okay, I'm just going to once again get back to the central point that wasn't really addressed, but I hope is addressed. Yes, we need that financial leverage on them, and I think they will pay attention to that. We have their attention, but it's not finishing the race. We need to bring the international community on board to solve this in very tangible aspects, because the violence is real, it's not stopping, and Nigeria does not seem to be taking this seriously. Thank you. With that, I yield.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you very much, Dr. Cherfilus-McCormick. Mr. Olszewski.

Rep. Johnny Olszewski (D-MD)SPEAKER_09

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and to our Ranking Member Jacobs, and to all our witnesses, and Ambassador Pratt, thank you for your many years of service to our country. I'll just open by saying I am a man of deep faith. Jesus Christ is my Lord and Savior. I have no problem sharing that. I am also troubled by the state of religious freedom in Nigeria and around the world. So I want to be clear up front, violence against Christians in Nigeria is a serious issue. Christians are being massacred, and communities are living in constant fear. But this suffering is not just confined to one religious group. Massad Boulos, President Trump's own senior advisor for Africa, recently said, quote, "People are suffering from all sorts of backgrounds. This is not specifically targeted at one group or other. Terrorism has no color and no religion and no tribe," President Trump's own senior advisor. Muslims and Christians alike have lived under the constant threat of extremist groups like Boko Haram and ISIS-West Africa for far too long. And so the real story here for me is not about Nigeria's intent at the institutional level to persecute people based on faith. Instead, it's really an issue of capacity. The Nigerian government lacks the means to protect communities against groups that kill indiscriminately. To be clear, this does not abdicate the Nigerian government from responsibility. A government's duty is to protect its people, and when there's a failure to do so, whether that's neglect or corruption or governance, leaders must be held accountable. But capacity within Nigerian institutions to maintain peace is a real question, and we should be asking what the U.S. is doing to help Nigeria build that capacity. Are we offering real partnerships or just threatening airstrikes and sanctions? Or instead, are we thinking about technical support, training, and investment in the institutions that prevent violence in the first place? So let's work together to fix what is broken. And I appreciate the ranking member for opening up this hearing with additional support options. And I want to thank again the chairman for convening this. On the issue of capacity, Ambassador Pratt, you've said that Nigeria needs to do more. If they don't have the capacity to do more, we should help with that. And so I want to know, I guess my question there is, does the State Department assess that the Nigerian government has the capacity to protect Christians and other religious groups from extremist violence?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Nigeria is a very wealthy country, very populous country. We believe that this is a question of focus. There is a security problem in Nigeria, a very serious one, that we are trying to help the country address. And we have brought tools to the table in terms of U.S. programs and assistance. In particular, on the issue we're discussing today, we would like to see more focus on that particular issue in addition to addressing the larger security question that you referred to.

Rep. Johnny Olszewski (D-MD)SPEAKER_09

Okay, I look forward to working with you on that. One other issue that's important to me is youth and youth development. The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom's 2025 annual report recommended broad support for Nigerian civil society organizations. The U.S. has historically done that. A State Department-funded program in northeast Nigeria called Nigerian Youth Care brought together Christian and Muslim youth leaders to promote dialogue between those two communities. These programs provided Nigerian youth with mentorship and training on how to bridge religious divides. Unfortunately, that program was disrupted for months because of stop-work orders, and the State Department did not grant the implementer an extension of the project at the end of the fiscal year. To either the ambassador or Mr. McGee, can you explain why this project did not receive a no-cost extension at the end of the year? And would you recommend to the secretary to reinstitute this program to reduce violence and promote that interfaith dialogue?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Thank you for your question, Representative. As I said earlier, the United States is by far the most generous country with our foreign aid, and we plan to still be the most generous country with our foreign aid, as Secretary Rubio has said. So, some programming that you mentioned, we actually have ongoing programming in my bureau that leads to early warning, early response systems that also includes dialogue between religious communities. As many members have stated, this is a complex problem. It's not one that can be addressed with one neat solution. There are, of course, like every human action, multiple drivers of this persecution, and there are multiple communities being affected, not just Christians, as you mentioned. But we must tell the truth. That begins, an honest relationship with Nigerians is to tell them that a lot of this violence is driven by religion, religious persecution, religious extremist ideology. And so in terms of programming, we're committed to the programming that we have on the ground that is effective, it's saving lives, and we are reviewing every foreign assistance dollar at the State Department to make sure that taxpayer dollars are used effectively and actually helps people on the ground.

Rep. Johnny Olszewski (D-MD)SPEAKER_09

That's great. I thank you both for your time and your testimony today. Look forward to following up on those programs with you. And with that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back. Thank you. I'd

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

like to now recognize Mr. Moore.

Rep. Riley Moore (R-WV)SPEAKER_07

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Chairman Smith, for convening this hearing. And I just want to recognize real quick the tremendous impact that Chairman Smith has had in this realm of human rights, Christian persecution over the decades. I'm a former staff member actually of this committee. I worked on this committee when Chairman Smith was on this committee, who had a very large impact on me as a staff member. And to come full circle back around to be on a hearing on such an issue that was really inspired by Chairman Smith work here when I was a staff member, thank you for that. And but I think one of the things that's, and I would say disheartening in this, hearing some of the media reporting, and frankly, some of my colleagues on the other side of the dais here, is this misdirection of what is happening. There is a persecution of Christians in Nigeria. The witnesses have made that clear. We heard the bishop speak. I don't know how many times we have to hear it or how many reports of murdered, martyred Christians, my brothers and sisters in Christ in Nigeria, how many times we have to hear that happen to take it seriously. And one of the things that concerns me is that it feels like at times it's echoing an indifference around this, and somehow we're going to develop our way out of it through developmental programs. And this indifference sounds like echoes of Rwanda to me, where we did nothing on that. And I think, as you remember quite clearly, President Clinton has stated that as one of his largest failures in his administration. President Trump has made a definitive decision to actively engage and stop the killing in Nigeria. And I think he deserves a lot of credit for that. You all have used a word that I think is very apt in this, and this is prioritization. And as Chairman Smith put it perfectly in his opening statement of this hearing, when he spoke with the senior officials of the Nigerian government, is that we do want to work with them. We have the opportunity here. I think the Nigerians have an opportunity to deepen and strengthen their relationship with the United States if they will prioritize the protection of these communities. Of course, non-Christians are being killed, too. We're not saying that's not happening, but there is a systematic, targeted campaign that's happening here. I met with that same delegation, same as Chairman Smith did, and some of the feedback we were getting is a little bit of that same misdirection. But let's not turn a blind eye to what's happening. Let's not believe our lying eyes, right? One thing I'd want to point out here is we've had religious organizations and advocacy groups have been calling for humanitarian assistance in the Middle Belt region, and my understanding is that the Tinubu administration has not specifically requested it. That's why it's not there. They just have to ask for it, and our State Department will then provide that assistance to those organizations on the ground. That is a perfect example of prioritization and indifference to what is happening here. So that would be a great, to use your department's term, confidence-building measure on the part of the Tinubu government in this, if they are serious about this, because I can promise you President Trump is. He is very serious about this. A question that I have for you is the Nigerian constitution prohibits the ownership of firearms, but somehow these Fulani militants operating in the Middle Belt region of the country, they're all armed. And we're not talking about ISIS, we're not talking about Boko Haram. Why hasn't there been some type of move or campaign by the Nigerian government to disarm these militants that are operating there where we're seeing a lot of this killing that is coming from them? They have access to AK-47s and other small arms to slaughter Christians. Is this something that you've been talking to the Nigerian government about? Because I think it would actually have a serious impact, and it is something that I raised with the Nigerian government officials when we met with them. Thank you.

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Thank you, Representative Moore, and thank you also for your service on this task force that will be providing recommendations and your meetings with the Nigerian officials. Appreciate that. I think that this is an excellent suggestion as part of the strategy that we are putting together, in particular to talk about the policing aspect of this and what is happening in the Middle Belt so that we can focus resources and have specific recommendations on actions that the Nigerian government can take. I very much appreciate that suggestion.

Rep. Riley Moore (R-WV)SPEAKER_07

Yeah, it just seems to make all the sense in the world to me. It's like, here we are. I mean, I understand we're not going to get like ISIS to lay their arms down. That's probably more of a kinetic option there that's going to result in their arms no longer being brought up in in anger against Christians. But, in any event, this seems to be something that obviously—I'm not saying it's easy, but it is something that they should be doing, they should be looking at. And while I got just a couple seconds left, I would urge the Nigerian government to take a look at pardoning Sunday Jackson, who is an individual who was fighting for his own life, defending his life against one of these Fulani militants. That Fulani militant lost his life in that struggle, and now that person, Sunday Jackson, is facing the death penalty. Now, where's the justice in that? Where is the justice in that? And all these Fulani militants are breaking the law. They are breaking Nigerian law. And so, Sunday Jackson disarms this person with a knife, protects his own life, he's going to prison and now faces the death penalty. And Fulani militants, just roaming bands of them with AK-47s, and that's no problem. You are so right about this question of prioritization. I know I'm over time, Mr. Chairman, but I appreciate the time.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you so much, Mr. Baird, for your leadership, and do appreciate it very much. Mr. Stutzman.

Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN)SPEAKER_02

Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for your leadership on not only this issue, but so many other issues related to to life and to religious freedom. I want to thank the ranking chairman as well and appreciate the witnesses for being here. Before I begin, I just think it's really important to recognize that what is happening in Nigeria, it's not unique. And that that's why religious freedom really matters. It's the core foundation of our Constitution. I would argue that you can't have economic freedom if you don't have religious freedom. I've been doing some work with the new administration and the changes that are happening in the Middle East and Syria. And, you know, Syria is a very diverse country, and it's so critical for them to have religious freedom, and respect goes both ways. And I think it's really important, and I think could have a huge impact if Christians and Muslims and Jews and, name all of the religions, if we would all stand together and condemn violence, condemn this sort of violence that's happening in Nigeria, condemn the violence that's happening in Suwayda, in Syria, against the Druze and against the Christians and against those that would push back. I appreciate President Trump, who I believe is the strongest diplomat, he's the strongest negotiator, and especially when it comes to religious freedom, he's been willing to call it out around the world. And so, we have this opportunity as Americans to really push the importance of respecting religious freedom and it really being part of the fabric of every country. It's also important for us here at home. Not only is religious freedom important around the world, but it's really important for us here at home. The last thing we want to see is threats to religious liberty in the United States. We need to be the example, and rather than just looking at others, we have, of course, a very strong, diverse nation as well. One of the things I want to ask and get to is we talked a lot about the tools that the administration has. Senator Cruz and I introduced legislation that would redesignate Nigeria as a country of particular concern. And again, of course, very disappointed to see that that was revoked during the Biden administration and the steps back that has caused there. I want to ask, so Daniel Edah is from Benin. He's as a candidate for president. I just visited with him. He's a friend of mine. I was asking him, since Benin is right next door to Nigeria, what are we seeing in the surrounding areas? Are we seeing some of the same attacks and atrocities in other countries? And is there any sort of coalition—I know the Nigerian government is acting like this isn't happening, but is there any sort of coalition being led by us or within the region to fight back and to push back? I appreciate Mr. Moore's comments about disarming the jihadists and those who are attacking. But is there any discussion about arming the innocent as well, as in making sure that they have the ability to defend themselves with their local law enforcement, and is local law enforcement working for them? So, a couple of questions there, but I'd be happy to hear from either one of you.

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Uh, thank you, um, Representative.

SPEAKER_UNKNOWN

Um,

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

The security problems, very, very serious ones that that exist across the littoral states of Africa, are common and are shared, especially in the north, as as we see more and more terrorist insurgent action. And so this is a shared problem. We at the State Department, but especially the Department of War and AFRICOM, have focused very heavily on sharing intelligence and trying to create the type of cooperation that you referred to between those countries so that they're sharing information, using best practices, sharing intelligence with each other to be more effective. In terms of the particular problem that we are discussing today, these targeted attacks against Christians, it is most acute in the Middle Belt of Nigeria.

Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN)SPEAKER_02

One of the things that we know in the Middle East is is looking at the curriculums that are taught in schools, and especially some of the curriculum that we saw that was being taught in Gaza to the young children about killing a Jewish soldier is is something worthy of. Do we see this sort of education system at all in these countries? Because what are the young people learning? Are they learning to be pursuing peace and prosperity, or are they also being taught anywhere in these schools some sort of jihadist activity is is worthy of of accomplishing?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

defer to my colleague from DRL as well, since they publish reports on this that cover some of these issues.

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Sure. So you'll see in our human rights reports where we call out human rights violations across countries around the world. In terms of Nigeria's curriculum in particular, I don't have that information right in front of me, but we're happy to report back to you and the committee.

Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN)SPEAKER_02

Sure. No, that's fine. I appreciate you both, and thank you again, Mr. Chairman, for having this hearing.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you for your questions and comments. We are joined by the former chairman of the Africa Subcommittee, who is now over at the Energy and Commerce Committee, John James, and I want to thank him. February of 2024, he had a very important hearing on Nigeria and other advocacy throughout that time. So the floor is yours.

Rep. John James (R-MI)SPEAKER_08

Mr. Chairman, thank you so much for your personal invitation, for your leadership, and for your friendship. I'm honored to be back. Psalm 94:16 asks, Who will rise up for me against the wicked? Who will take a stand for me against evildoers? Nigeria is facing one of the gravest religious freedom crises in the world. As the former chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee on Africa, I have visited and have seen firsthand the direness of the conditions in what is now the deadliest place on Earth to be a Christian. They are targeted, displaced, and killed simply for their faith. The ancient plea, Is there no help for the widow's son? still echoes today. Since 2019, nearly 17,000 Christians have been killed. In the first 7 months of this year alone, hundreds more were murdered. On June 13th, during the Yelwata massacre, more than 280 Christians were slaughtered in a single day. These are not isolated tragedies, but a sustained pattern of religiously motivated violence, often ignored or even enabled by the Nigerian government. Extremist groups like Boko Haram, Fulani militants, and ISIS-West Africa attack often without any meaningful intervention from authorities. The lack of response has created an atmosphere of impunity where Christians continue to live in constant threat and fear. The United States has previously recognized this crisis. President Trump not only designated Nigeria as a country of particular concern during his first term, but redesignated it again in his second term after President Biden inexplicably removed that designation. Religious persecution is tied to political repression and weakening institutions in Nigeria. Example: the detention of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu is a clear example. In 2022, Nigeria's Court of Appeal struck down the charges against him and ordered his release. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has also called for his unconditional release. Yet he remains in solitary confinement, in deteriorating health, and recently had to represent himself in court. Nigeria has signaled that the law is optional and targeting Christians is fair game. Just hours ago this morning, despite the pleas and cries of the Nigerian people and many Nigerian lawmakers, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu was convicted on all charges. For fiscal year 2025, the U.S. has requested nearly $8 billion for sub-Saharan Africa. But when Americans see political prisoners, judicial defiance, and the slaughter of Christians, they understandably ask, as they meet their own struggles, why should our tax dollars support governments that refuse to protect their own people? Is our aid aiding a genocide? Nigeria is a nation of tremendous potential, but that potential is being choked out by violent persecution of its Christian population. No country can build a stable future where churches are burned, believers are killed, and communities live in fear. The United States must stay engaged, and Nigeria must change course now. Mr. Pratt, a direct question: do you believe, in your professional assessment, that the government of Nigeria has been infiltrated by jihadists?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

I do not believe that the government of Nigeria has been infiltrated by jihadists.

Rep. John James (R-MI)SPEAKER_08

Okay. Because when you look at the selective enforcement of the rule of law, one might question, one might question if there are any favoritism or looking the other way when groups are being specifically targeted, despite the fact, as my colleague Mr. Moore mentioned, not enforcing the rule of law with regard to weapons. My next question: How has the Nigerian government reacted since President Trump's Country of Particular Concern designation announcement?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

They have taken the designation very seriously. There is a senior delegation here now. They will meet with the most senior officials of the U.S. government this week, and we have already demarched the government in Abuja and here in Washington on the action plan, and I can say that the results so far have been positive in terms of cooperation.

Rep. John James (R-MI)SPEAKER_08

The Nigerian government needs to do more to address this issue themselves, but what measures are being taken to assist Nigeria to increase its focus on persecution, particularly in the Middle Belt?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Yeah, so thank you for your question, Congressman James. As you mentioned, the Middle Belt is a particular concern. That's where Christians—you mentioned Yelwata, where 250 or 280 Christians were killed, massacred. They were targeted because they were Christians. Churches have been burned there. There have been internally displaced people there. And so we're reviewing all options at the State Department, including Chairman Smith, you mentioned, on our bureau. We have Global Magnitsky Act sanctions. We have other tools at our disposal as well to make sure that Nigeria, the Nigerian government gets the message that we are serious about the persecution of Christians and other communities as well, but particularly Christians right now who are suffering disproportionately in the Middle Belt.

Rep. John James (R-MI)SPEAKER_08

Thank you for your answer. Mr. Chairman, thank you for having me again. God bless you and good luck. I'm here for you.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you so very much, Chairman James, and thank you again for your great service. I'd like to Between the ranking member and I, we were both going to ask one more question and then go to our next panel. I would like to yield mine to my good friend, Mr. Huizenga, who asked a very serious question about the IDPs in Benue. And if there's any answer that you wanted to give and the tyranny of the clock precluded that, please feel free to do so, and then I'll yield to my friend and colleague.

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate you yielding to me. And I think you saw my passion on this earlier, but there are serious issues. And part of that that interview from Arise News, one of the other questions to me was, well, doesn't the CPC damage Nigeria economically in a way that is going to disincentivize economic growth and foreign companies coming into the country? And my answer to them was, actually, I think the current state of violence is as much a deterrent of of of a foreign company or a U.S. company coming into Nigeria. And I know the goal of the CPC is to to correct behavior, but could you explain a little bit exactly what you would expect to see out of a out of a CPC and what sort of changes it might bring? And then I want to address the 1.4 million who are considered the the internally displaced people, IDPs, in Benue, and what the what the game plan would be to provide the IDPs in Benue and and Taraba, what what sort of assistance they can depend on from the U.S.?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

Thank you very much, Representative. This CPC designation, we hope, will focus the energy of the government of Nigeria, as well as our own government here, on all of the tools that we have available. And so by setting up this task force that I referred to and looking at all of the types of assistance that we can bring to bear, but more importantly, what the government of Nigeria can do to own this problem and improve security for all Nigerians, but in particular tackle this, this problem that we're talking about. But

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

they have to admit there's a problem first, right? Okay. And, and I think that's been one of my concerns is I have not seen an actual admission to this being a problem. It's, it's been given excuses and veneers of a lot of other issues that get parroted, uh, both here and in the media. Um, can you, uh, can you, uh, talk about the, uh, the displaced persons and the help that they could be expecting?

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

On displaced persons, we do have programs that address this, and we want to make that part of the action plan that we are working on. My colleague from DRL may want to provide more in particular on IDPs.

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Sure. As Ambassador Pratt just mentioned, the State Department is reviewing options to help IDPs. You mentioned what actions you want to see from the from the Nigerian government. That includes, as we've mentioned here several times, prosecutions of perpetrators. That includes reduced violence in the Middle Belt. And that includes

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

against, against all,

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

against all

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

Christians, moderate Muslims, anybody who is, uh, who is not, uh, being targeted, right?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Exactly right. So the Trump administration stands firmly for the principle that religious freedom is for all religious communities and those who don't practice a faith. It is a per se good, and we're committed to helping protect communities all around the world who are experiencing religious persecution, not just in Nigeria, not just Christians. At the end of the day, we want the number to be zero in Nigeria. We don't want any religious persecution to happen. We don't want it to just be a reduction in violence. We want there to be zero people who are murdered because of their faith.

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

Amen to that. Corruption continues to undermine Nigeria's institutions, including those tasked with protecting civilians sometimes. I've heard from some of these instances in conversations I've had with religious leaders in Nigeria who don't feel that the Nigerian government is equipped to respond to the crisis. How does corruption within the security forces hinder the government's ability to prevent and respond effectively to religiously motivated violence?

SPEAKER_UNKNOWN

I

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

corruption is a major problem globally, and in Africa and in Nigeria. I think it that it erodes capability, right? It erodes the confidence of the forces, especially at the working level. If they see that their superiors are engaged in corruption, that totally undermines the whole enterprise.

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

And I assume that that is part of State Department's and this administration's action plan that they want to see out of the Nigerian government, the Tinubu government, is is a crackdown on corruption

The Honorable Jonathan PrattSPEAKER_18

to be more effective. Absolutely.

Rep. Bill Huizenga (R-MI)SPEAKER_06

All right, thank you. Time has expired. I appreciate the opportunity, Mr. Chairman. Thank you. Thank

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

you very much. Ms. Jacobs.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Thank you. I yield to Ms. Jayapal.

Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA)SPEAKER_14

Thank you. Thank you so much, Ranking Member Jacobs, for yielding. I think this has actually been a good discussion on this committee and an important one around what strategy we use to eliminate violence against against any community. And I think the issue for me is that if you define the problem as people being attacked only because of their religion, that would lead you to one set of solutions. If you define the problem as people being attacked for other reasons, it would lead you to a different set of conclusions and strategies. And I think, Ambassador Pratt, I resonated when you said we have lots of tools in the toolbox. One of those tools is just around the kind of assistance we give to efforts that are cross-faith, interfaith, cross-cultural, building the kinds of ties that we need to build. Because I don't think that— I think this is not a religious oppression Olympics. We're not trying to say one religion is worse oppressed than another. We're saying, how do we get to that ending point that we all agree on, that there shouldn't be violence against any of these communities? And so I guess I want to ask you about programming that specifically promotes interfaith or cross-cultural dialogue. The foreign assistance review that was conducted earlier this year actually cut— this administration cut many of those types of programs, and there are suggestions that there's going to be even more cuts that focus on these kinds of programs. One of the ones I was looking at very carefully that I know is Nigerian Youth Care, and that's one that provided Nigerian youth with mentorship and training on how to bridge religious and cultural divides. Given the administration's concerns about religious conflict and some of the shared goals we've articulated, can you explain why that contract was canceled?

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Thank you for your question, Representative. So there is ongoing programming in Nigeria that addresses some of the issues that you've you've raised. Our early warning, early response programs, for instance, also have kind of an interfaith dialogue built into them. We've seen great success about from from people who have experienced the programs saying that they have increased they've seen greater tolerance amongst their communities, etc., etc. So we have effective programming. Broadly, in terms of foreign assistance, the Trump administration is reviewing every foreign assistance dollar, not to cut, but to make it more effective. We've reprioritized. We've reshaped foreign assistance in a way not to eliminate foreign assistance, but to make it more strategic. The United States has been the most generous partner around the world of any country for foreign assistance. Secretary Rubio has said we will continue to be the most generous country. So I'm happy to share some of the programming success we've seen and get back to you on those answers.

Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA)SPEAKER_14

I would appreciate that, and if you can look into this one in particular, and I might send you a few others, because I think that if you, if you say that you're only going to focus on a particular kind of program and you say some of these things are not effective, you know, my work overseas in all of these countries says that some of this work takes time to develop the kind of leadership that is not going to be divided down the road. And And so it may not have the same metrics of success immediately that you see, but I think many of these programs really do prove to be extremely important in the long term. And so I just would like to know, you know, what is the status of each of those U.S.-funded programs related to religious tolerance? If you could share a list of that with me, I would really appreciate it. And what new assistance programs should we expect that the administration, maybe you can speak to this part, that the administration is going to promote? That's the second part of the question. And then the third part of the question for you is, I am concerned about some of the reports I'm hearing that certain programs are just going to be cut because they focus on particular communities or they, you know, are framed in a way that somehow is is part of a, you know, some sham DEI initiative. And so maybe you could speak to those last 2 and get me the list of the first one.

Mr. Jacob McGeeSPEAKER_10

Sure. So I'm happy to follow up with the committee on specific program we have across Africa. The administration is committed to using its foreign assistance effectively and strategically, and gets the most bang for its buck for American taxpayers, because ultimately we're responsible to the American taxpayers. So, in terms of programming, I'm happy to get you the specific answers that you're looking for. In terms of the other questions you raised about specific communities being having greater assistance—I forget how you phrased it—more targeted programs, we want religious freedom for all communities, full stop. We don't want religious freedom for some communities. We want religious freedom for all religious communities, including those who don't practice faith. We think it's a violation of a moral law that somebody is killed because of their faith. We see that happening in all parts of the world, and the Trump administration is committed to helping countries take ownership of their own issues, and actually go after people who prosecute, persecute Christians and Muslims and people of all faiths, and actually shift the responsibility to where we want to help partner with these countries, but at the end of the day, the countries themselves have an obligation to protect religious freedom in their countries. And we're—

Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA)SPEAKER_14

I agree with you on what you said. I just would say I'd like to see the data that that backs up what you're saying and, and why certain programs that seem very much in line with what you're saying are being canceled. So I appreciate your attention to this, and we'll follow up. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Ranking Member.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

And thank you. Thank you both for your testimonies, but above all for your leadership. It's extraordinary. And so thank you. And we'll move on to our second panel. Thank you. I'd like to now welcome to the witness table. And we will show a very short video that was just taped yesterday from Mrs. Akpen, I should say, a survivor of the Yelwata massacre. She lost five of her children and is just one example of the incredible heartbreak of being slaughtered because she's a Christian, because her family was a Christian. And that'll be showing in one second. But if our witnesses could come to the table. what's

SPEAKER_UNKNOWN

that? They're having a

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

technical issue. Okay, we'll come back to the video in a minute. Let me introduce our distinguished witnesses, beginning with Nina Shea, a senior fellow and director at the Center for Religious Freedom at the Hudson Institute. Ms. Shea has been a human rights lawyer for over 30 years. She works extensively for the advancement of individual religious freedom and other human rights in U.S. foreign policy as it confronts an ascendant Islamic extremism that we're seeing in in in Nigeria, for example. And I want to thank her for her leadership. She has testified before, and her her wisdom has been greatly esteemed by this committee, particularly by this chairman. We'll then hear from Oge Onubogu. Onubogu, is that correct? Thank you. Who is a director—is director and senior fellow of the Africa Program at CSIS, and a foreign policy leader with two decades of experiencing shaping policy and engagement in on Africa and U.S.-Africa relations. Most recently, she served as director of the Africa Program at the Wilson Center, where she led research and programs that centered African knowledge and agency in developing actionable strategies to address critical issues facing Africa and the U.S. relations. I would like to yield now such time as she may consume, and then to you as well to our witnesses. Nina.

SPEAKER_UNKNOWN

Okay.

Ms. Nina SheaSPEAKER_01

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Ranking Member Jacobs. And members of the committee for holding this very important hearing. The debate about CPC designation for Nigeria began in earnest in Washington last spring after you, Mr. Chairman, had introduced a resolution that urged CPC designation for Nigeria, as you had previously done in '22, and when the subcommittee held a pivotal hearing on the case for Nigeria's CPC designation last March. Thankfully, President Trump listened and he made his decision based on 2 criteria. One, under the International Religious Freedom Act, that these were severe violations of religious freedom and that the, 2, the government of Nigeria, President Tinubu, was either actively engaged or tolerating these violations. Those are the criteria of the IRF Act. So Nigeria's multifaceted terror problem that has had a devastating impact on both Muslims and Christians alike is well known, but the long overlooked persecution of Nigeria's Middle Belt Christians by Fulani jihadi militias finally got Washington's attention when that March hearing was held and Bishop Anagbe testified. The bishop gave startling firsthand testimony that described frequent raids on farmlands of his Makurdi diocese by armed Fulani Muslim herders who kill, rape, or kidnap residents, all the while shouting the jihadi battle cry Allahu Akbar. Bishop Anagbe, who testified today as well, and I'm honored to be part of this hearing with him, related that 20 parishes in his diocese have been shut down because of these attacks. Moreover, he said Nigeria's government was doing nothing to stop this. I agreed in my testimony then that Nigeria should be designated a CPC precisely because because the relentless and systematic Fulani attacks targeting Middle Belt Christians are carried out with complete government impunity. By contrast, the government is fighting the terror groups in the north. So this is really key to understanding why CPC is warranted in this case. The bishop's frank testimony required heroic courage. He soon began receiving death threats. A few weeks later, Fulani militants attacked his home village and massacred 12 of his relatives and scores of others. The priest directing his Justice and Peace Office, who took the body counts and came to the aid of survivors in such attacks, has— and did so then— has been forced to take temporary leave after credible threats to his life. Mr. Chairman and White House Mr. Chairman, you and White House officials who had met with Bishop Anagbe were appalled when you heard of this. The attack was part of the brutal pattern seen in hard-hit Benue and various other Middle Belt states, but it also raised the concern that this attack was in reprisal for his testimony to Congress, one organized not simply by nomadic herders but by those in Nigeria who are close observers of Washington. 2 weeks after that incident, Yalawada, which is by the way only 5 miles from the state capital of Makurdi, that's Benue State, was hit by a large Fulani raid. We've— others have spoken about that. Over 270 Christians were murdered and the victims included some who had been displaced from their hometowns by prior Fulani raids and had sought refuge in Yalawada because it's a military— there's a military garrison there. The Nigerian troops there did not put up a fight against the dozens of— and it was only dozens— of Fulani attackers who swarmed in on motorcycles and some on foot wielding assault rifles and machetes as their weapons. This has been going on for years, again with government impunity. Similar attacks are taking place elsewhere in the Middle Belt. To give one recent example, Catholic priest Father George Dogo told the outlet Truth Nigeria, who is directed by— which is directed by former State Department official Douglas Burton, that 10 days ago in Taraba, 11— sorry, Fulani militants stormed through a local government area indiscriminately killing 20 people and burning and damaging homes and churches. A survivor, Christiana Joseph, a 33-year-old farmer from Amadu village, told Truth Nigeria that as she was preparing to go to early morning mass, a Fulani militia arrived on motorcycles and shot into her house. She is quoted stating, they fired for about 5 minutes shouting Allahu Akbar. When the gunfire stopped, I went inside and found my husband of 14 years, John Joseph, already dead. Survivor Samson Haruna also stated that attackers on motorcycles with AK assault rifles strafed houses in his neighboring village. He said, my neighbors David Bawa and Titus Gregory lost 5 family members between them. My house was riddled with bullets. According to the Truth Nigeria report on this Taraba attack, quote, the Fulani militants that attacked were led by warlord Alhaji Tukur, according to community leader Issa. Wakori Diocese Bishop Mark Nzuikwane called the crisis overwhelming and said that 335 Catholic churches have been destroyed and more than 300,000 Catholics there have been displaced beginning in 2015. That's just in his diocese. According to the head of a local security consultancy, Fulani militants planned and staged their attacks from an abandoned resort now overgrown with vegetation called Damjuma Farm that the Fulani use as a cover for cattle grazing, he said. That's the head of this security agency. But that's just a smokescreen. And he commented, that if the government wants to stop the attacks, they must clear out the terrorists from Den Juma Farms. In a Daily Post Nigeria article, Reverend John Lekel, the director of social communications for the Wakuri Diocese— that's the same diocese that we're talking— I've been talking about— described the situation as devastating, revealing that many rural parishes have been abandoned following sustained assaults that have claimed multiple lives and destroyed entire villages. Bishop Nzukwuen told the respected ACI Africa outlet last year that, quote, if peace is restored, the region's rich agricultural landscape could provide a prosperous future for its residents. Instead, he said, there is food scarcity because of these constant attacks. And there are constant— countless reports like this across the Middle Belt. I mention this one because it shows that Abuja has failed to act even when the Fulani aggressors are identified and their base from which they launch repeated attacks are known. This represents not only a horrifying pattern of severe persecution by Fulanis targeting largely Christian areas, but also a shocking pattern of government tolerance of this persecution. I want to give one last example from Plateau State that occurred a month ago. The Reverend Ezekiel Dachomo of Plateau, who is the regional chairman of the Church of Christ in Nations, told journalists in Jos on October 24th that Islamic extremists have threatened to murder him for calling on the Nigerian and U.S. governments to help protect Christians against genocide. He told the Christian outlet Morning Star News, quote, my life is in grave danger. Even as I speak, I am on the lookout for attacks. I no longer sleep with my eyes closed. I have been attacked before but escaped. The threats came after he appeared in a video on October 15th standing in a mass grave containing the remains of a dozen slain church members reportedly killed by Fulani herders. And Mr. Chairman, there have been hundreds of priests and pastors killed in the last 15 years. Targeted, not as the State Department reports, that they were walking alone or unguarded on a road at night, but they've been attacked and killed in their rectories, homes, and inside their churches. As the Nigeria government issues denials and watches passively with no Fulanis prosecuted and no Nigerian forces prepared to defend the vulnerable, the Christian death toll from Fulani militia attacks alone, leaving aside the terror attacks from Boko Haram and ISWAP and the others, is in the thousands and Christian survivors in displacement camps number in the millions. The respected research group Open Doors cites Nigeria as now the world's most dangerous country for Christians because of their religion. Again, at this time, most Nigerian Christians are being murdered by Fulani militias. And they are the militia's special target. Aid to the Church in Need reported last month, quote, and this is a pontifical foundation that says this, Nigerian Christians in the Middle Belt are bearing the brunt of violent attacks from those identified as Fulani militants. Some insist that the violent aggression by the Fulani herders against the Christian farmers on their own land is the unavoidable result of change. The State Department religious freedom reports have annually described these indiscriminate mass killings as clashes between 2 socioeconomic groups who fight over scarce resources brought on by climate change. Religion has nothing to do with it, they claimed. This justification of Fulani violence has recently shifted. Now it is generally acknowledged that Christians are being murdered in cold blood and But it's being argued that more Muslims are killed in the violence, and this proves it has nothing to do with religion, they say. This argument is not factual, and it is irrelevant for CPC. The premise that more Muslims than Christians are killed is debatable, as the scholarly Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa documents. In any case, most Nigerian Muslims live in the north where Boko Haram and a plethora of ISIS and Al-Qaeda-linked Islamic terrorist groups attack them and non-Muslims alike, and this violence too is religiously based. However, significant for CPC criteria, the Nigerian military is actively fighting those terror groups in the north. By contrast, in the Middle Belt where most of the Christians are being killed in recent years and where Christians are the special target of Fulani herder militias, The government isn't lifting a finger against the Fulani militants. Instead, it is tolerating them and denying it is happening. I've also heard about sporadic Christian attacks on Muslim villages. To the extent that the government is not taking action in those cases, that is further reason for CPC designation. Political momentum to list Nigeria among the world's worst persecutors gained throughout October as the annual CPC review neared the year-end deadline and reports of massacres kept coming. On October 21st, the Pontifical Foundation Aid to the Church in Need issued its world survey that reported, quote, the number and ferocity of the attacks on Christian villages in the Middle Belt have led some experts to conclude that these incursions are a deliberate land grab to remove Christians and Islamize the region, end of quote. Various high-level White House officials in the State Department were also hearing from groups of religious freedom activists on Nigeria. Later that week, President Trump made the CPC designation. For the first time, the issue of Fulani militias targeting Christians for mass murder received official US acknowledgement when Secretary Rubio address this. This in turn got the attention of Nigeria's President Tinubu, who said he is willing to work with the U.S. Until now, he has not shown the political will to stop this Fulani violence. CPC, as you know, is a 2-step process. The next step in this process requires the president to adopt a policy response, and we heard today from the State Department about what is being considered. And there are several actions that I also endorse. One is to— it's been raised before by Representative Moore, and it's my first recommendation— disarm Fulani herders. These militias are loosely organized. They don't have explosives or drones, don't use tunnels, suicide vests, or propaganda films. They are an unsophisticated but nevertheless lethal force because they come armed with AK-47s and 49s while their targets have only homemade pipe bombs to defend— sorry, pipe guns to defend themselves with. Assault rifles such as those used by the Fulanis are heavily regulated by Nigeria's Firearms Act and illegal for the targeted Christian farming villages. The act specifically only allows homemade Dane, what are called Dane guns, cap guns, and muzzle— and other muzzle-loading guns. The act thus outlaws the firearms that would match the assault rifle firepower of Fulani militias and leaves the peaceful Christian communities essentially defenseless. President Tinubu should order the removal of Fulani heavy weapons, raiding their encampments at Danjuma Farm in Taraba and other places in the process. He should direct the powerful cattle breeders associations such as the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association to cooperate in doing this. 2, fortifying targeted areas. So US foreign aid in Nigeria in recent years has amounted to about $1 billion annually. Areas targeted by these Fulani militias should receive some of this aid to securely return home and reclaim their properties, rebuild, and defend themselves. For example, this aid could, could go toward intelligence sharing, the training and equipping of local private security guards, as well as other measures. Again, the Fulani militias are not the formidable foe seen in ISIS and al-Qaeda, and their attacks could be prevented relatively easily, prevented and defended against by these basic measures. Humanitarian aid is important, and this should be for the victims of Fulani herder militia attacks, and this should be distributed through trusted local providers, including through the churches on the ground that are currently one of the main aid providers to the survivors of these attacks. It's just, again, tragic and ironic that productive farmers now need food aid since they have been driven from their Middle Belt farms. 4, sanctions against those aiding, abetting, and granting impunity to the Fulani herdsmen militias, including— those sanctions should include high-level officials in the criminal justice system and the military. The U.S. should gather intelligence regarding official responses to the Fulani herder militias and review possible visa and Magnitsky sanctions for those aiding and abetting. The Fulani warlords' names are known or knowable. Out of all the— I think it's important to understand that out of all the violent attacks by Fulani herder militias, there have been only a few arrests. And one involved the prosecution of a Fulani herder who was convicted of destroying melons at a melon company. He received a 10-year sentence. It shows the government can get tough when it wants to. And 2 high-profile legal cases of violent attacks on Christians have seen movement in recent months. One concerns the Catholic Church of St. Francis in Ondo, where terrorists killed some 40 worshipers on Pentecost Sunday in 2022. Depositions are being taken in that case, Ondo's bishop recently told me, but the trial has not yet started. It's important to note that's not in the Middle Belt, it's in the south. The 5 suspects being held are said to be part of the East African Shabaab terror group and are not members of the Fulani herder militia. The other case involves the Yelawada massacre itself. Where charges are filed, have been filed against 5 Fulani herders in September in an extremely rare example of prosecution that I believe is attributable to the pressure raised by the CPC debate in Washington. Finally, the International Religious Freedom Act calls— suggests as a possible policy response to CPC designation a binding agreement with the country to prevent further violence. So I think that that is something that should be considered as well. And unfortunately, President Tinubu hasn't shown the political will so far to direct the police and military action within his power. And he argues that because the police force is centralized, under the Constitution, he is overwhelmed. He says that a constitutional amendment is required to give back policing power to the governors of the states, and that could take years. However, right now there exist legal ways he can shore up defenses within the targeted Christian areas. For example, decentralizing police commands internally, or empowering local guards, or deploying more mobile police units to states and prioritizing referrals of state governor police orders for presidential review. So I suggest that the US enter into a binding agreement with Nigeria to ensure this needed police protection against the Fulani militias. And since President Trump's CPC designation, I note some Nigerian officials, including generals of a force in the southern state of Ondo, who cite worries about securing Nigeria's wide-open border already asked for US partnership in an effort to help, to quote, help flush out Fulani ethnic militia terrorists from the southwest. Thank you.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you so very much for that very well-thought-out testimony. You have so much in there, and I'll go back and read it to pull out much of what you have just conveyed to the committee. So thank you for that. And I'd like now recognize our next witness, Ms. Onubogu.

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

Thank you very much, Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Jacobs, distinguished members of the committee. I'm honored to share my views before this committee today. Just want to state that CSIS does not take policy positions, so the views represented in this testimony are my own and not those I'm not not those of my employer. In this testimony, I would like to reinforce the recommendations that I made before this committee in March. In addition, I would like to reflect on how this tenuous moment in U.S.-Nigeria relations provide an opportunity for both countries to work together to address the critical threats of jihadist violence and insecurity in Nigeria and to develop a more strategic partnership. The United States and Nigeria have a complicated bilateral relationship with shared interest in counterterrorism and economic development, but this relationship is often marked by periods of friction. Nigeria wields significant continental and regional influence but grapples with violent extremism and internal security. Nigeria's leadership in West Africa is crucial, and its ability to address its governance and security challenges will impact not only its future, but the wider region. Nigeria's instability stems from a key shortcoming. Despite 64 years of independence, it has yet to establish a national identity grounded in basic freedoms and dignity. Currently, ethnicity, religion, and language, rather than nationality, define the identity of its diverse population. Understanding the violence in Nigeria requires looking beyond its apparent religious and ethnic motivations. For me, growing up in Jos, Plateau State, I've witnessed the impacts of these ongoing conflicts on vibrant communities. In addition, coming from a family involved in Christian missionary work, I recognize the shared faith between Christian communities in Nigeria's Middle Belt and those in the U.S., rooted in the history of American missionary efforts. However, a narrow narrative that reduces Nigeria's security situation to a single story and frames it solely as the persecution of Christians oversimplifies the issue. Religious and ethnic violence is driven more by governance failures and is worsened by hate speech and conspiracy theories, rather than being just a singular conflict. Nigeria is facing multiple security crises due to religious extremism, banditry, criminality, resource competition, communal disputes, and separatist agitation. These issues are intertwined with history, poverty, and political contestation. The interplay between religion and politics in Nigeria is deep and complex. Leaders often romanticize the country's unity, but fail to foster it, as we saw in the divisive 2023 elections. As Nigeria approaches another national election in 2027, religion will once again continue to influence candidate selection, voter behavior, and campaign strategies. The Trump administration's claims that Nigeria is permitting targeted killings of Christians distracts from the broader issue of extremist violence and insecurity in the country. Since returning to civilian rule in 1999, Nigeria has been a major recipient of U.S. security assistance, primarily aimed at counterterrorism. Despite this significant assistance, the extremist threat in Nigeria has worsened, expanding from the northeast, where Boko Haram has waged a 15-year insurgency, to the northwest, where so-called bandits are raiding villages. Most victims in both of these regions are Muslims. Since Boko Haram's emergence in 2009, Nigerian administrations, including the administration of President Tinubu, have struggled to improve security, and many Nigerians across the country acknowledge that the situation has only worsened in recent years. Therefore, narratives focusing solely on the killing of Christians often overlook Nigeria's broader insecurity and the fact that religion is usually a secondary factor in the violence. Recent violence in the Middle Belt predominantly affects Christian farming communities from various ethnic groups. Victims are mostly believed to be killed by Fulani herders who are primarily Muslims, but the killings aren't explicitly motivated by religious reasons. While some community members actually describe the violence in their communities as genocidal, they often emphasize that the underlying causes are ethnic and material, such as land grabs, rather than on religious differences alone. Nevertheless, the high level of insecurity across Nigeria has left many religious communities, including Christians, at risk. The failure to hold the perpetrators of these violent acts accountable has created both a sense of impunity among the attackers and a sense of grievance in the affected communities. Nigerian citizens have mixed reactions to the U.S. redesignation of Nigeria as a country of particular concern. Many, particularly Christian groups, welcome the attention, seeing it as a chance to push the Nigerian government to act against the violence. However, there are also concerns among many Nigerians, including Christians, that President Trump's threats of military action could also exacerbate existing political tensions. Public opinion surveys overall in Nigeria indicate a public consensus on the seriousness of the security challenges in the country, with many Nigerians valuing their diverse communities and believing in shared national unity over divisions. Now allow me to offer some concrete recommendations. First, to the United States government, it's important to engage deeply and broadly with communities across Nigeria. The U.S. can play a constructive role, but it must avoid selective intervention and address the concerns of all Nigerians across all religions to prevent worsening sectarian divisions. Two, it's important to rethink reactive, quick-win actions that may seem beneficial to Nigerians, but could have larger and far-reaching negative impacts. If the Trump administration proceeds with unilateral military action in Nigeria, it could endanger the Christians it aims to protect and worsens divisions along religious lines. Third, prioritize security governance to help tackle the violence. The U.S. should reassess its security cooperation with Nigeria, focusing on building a program that prioritizes security governance and ties military support to tangible reforms. This renewed partnership should extend beyond military aid to include intelligence sharing, rule of law, and governance. Four, support local actors that are advancing inclusive peace and conflict resolution. Supporting moderate religious leaders and community networks in developing early warning systems can shift the focus from identity-based conflict to sustainable solutions. Five, work more with Nigeria's states and its growing city centers. The U.S. government should decentralize its engagement with Nigeria by strengthening dialogue and support for receptive leaders at state and local levels, particularly in the Middle Belt, which is home to about 45 million people. The focus should be on local security to foster a safe environment for agriculture and manufacturing. This approach should integrate economic development with sustainable peace by addressing root causes of the conflict through economic revitalization, institutional reform, and business initiatives. Finally, for the U.S. government, it is important to revive the U.S. Congressional Bipartisan Caucus on Nigeria. The U.S. relationship with Nigeria is a key strategic partnership in Africa. An active bipartisan congressional caucus will highlight this importance, foster discussions, and provide a platform for diverse perspectives to better inform legislative responses on various issues. Now, recommendations for the Nigerian government. It is important to appoint a Nigerian ambassador to the United States to improve its international engagement and manage narratives about its security realities. It's critical for President Tinubu to appoint a capable Nigerian ambassador to the U.S., as I also recommended in my testimony in March. Second, the Nigerian government needs to make accountability of both perpetrators and of the authorities central to the response. Nigerian citizens need justice, as criminality in the Middle Belt has increased due to impunity. The narrative of Christian genocide has gained traction because of years of mass killings without accountability, leaving many faith communities feeling abandoned. Third, Nigerian government needs to get serious about police reform. Nigeria's single federalized police force struggles to address the country's complex security challenges. The Tinubu administration needs to accelerate initiatives to improve citizens' security, including the recruitment of 30,000 new police personnel he approved in June. The military in Nigeria is overextended. Many of them are handling duties that should be handled by the police, and it's essential to think about how the country reassigns police officers that are currently providing personal security to wealthy elites to focus more on the serious crimes. Next, coordinate federal and state action and messaging. Effective coordination so desperately needed among Nigeria's federal and state governments is often undermined by finger-pointing, and this must stop. Finally, for the Nigerian government, it's important to start laying the groundwork for peaceful elections in 2027. Nigeria must address the use of religion as a trigger for electoral violence. The new leadership in its election commission presents a chance to restore public trust in the electoral system, promote responsible political behavior, and strengthen security and judicial processes. The violence in Nigeria has resulted in significant loss of life. However, addressing the country's complex security issues solely in religious terms and focusing on one group of victims is counterproductive. A fresh approach is needed both for Nigeria and the United States. Nigeria must tackle its institutional weaknesses in security, justice, and conflict prevention to effectively end the violence and hold perpetrators accountable. The U.S. should engage in open dialogue and cooperation, fostering a better understanding of Nigeria's complexities. Both countries can leverage current diplomatic tensions to strengthen their bilateral relationship and collaboratively address the wider threats of jihadist violence in Nigeria and the surrounding West Africa and Sahel region, as both nations have vital interests at stake. Thank you again for inviting me to testify, and I welcome your questions.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you so very much for your testimony. We do have a video I'd like to show. This is of Ms. Mrs. Akpen, a survivor of the Yalwada massacre. She lost five of her children. The baby in her hands is her one remaining child, but she and so many others who were slaughtered that day, her family, we hear from them, we hear from her, the priest in the picture, that the horror is— the PTSD from that is just unthinkable. And so I just want to— it's a very short, but very powerful video.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you very much. And we now go to questions. Let me just ask, on one of my trips to Nigeria, I did visit the fusion center, which there was a great deal of cooperation beginning. And I mentioned that our Ambassador Mike Waltz to the United Nations was actually deployed there as a Green Beret and part of a Special Forces training component. There was a great hesitancy on the part of our government to engage that to the degree that would really make a difference. And I'll tell you what they told me. They said that they were worried about applying the Leahy law so that we do not fund or train human rights violators. So believing that, I actually asked at a hearing, and Ed Royce did a hearing on the full committee, and we asked the Under Secretary of State under the Obama administration who—how many Nigerians could be trained, and she said matter-of-factly, half. We don't need half, but a large number half would be that could be trained in counterinsurgency. They wanted night vision goggles, they wanted intel to track down Boko Haram and these other then emerging groups, ISIS West Africa, for example, and it never really materialized the way it could have. Now, one of the hopes I have, and we hope many of us have coming out of this, will be that there will be a renewed effort to again support human rights-trained people, men and women who are not accused. And certainly, that is a very difficult thing to prove one way or the other. The Leahy law is very hard to implement, and I sat through an actual session with a Foreign Service officer in Abuja as he went through names, just to get a sense of how robust the effort is. Very, very hard to do. But again, so many can be trained, and I think what we are hoping will come out of this, in addition to a whole lot of other things, is a very highly trained counterinsurgency force that will take it to Boko Haram, the Fulani terrorists, and others. I note that just today there's a report that just came out that the president is not going to a G20 meeting, and he's deploying additional people to a place where there were killings in Kwara. And I hope they're realizing we're not kidding in the United States. The President of the United States is absolutely committed to this, Marco Rubio is as well, and right on down. And what are we doing? We want to help, as I said earlier, those who are at risk, those who are dying, those like that wonderful woman we just saw a moment ago who lost five of her children. We don't want that to happen anymore. And I do believe that the art of the possible, when you have a will, when you have a focus, you can have great achievements for peace, and that's the hope here. Last night, and I know that my colleagues also had meetings with this high-level delegation, and ours went for almost 2 hours, and I said, Think of us as partners. Yes, we do have the ability to levy sanctions, and you may not like it, but we're doing it because we care about the people in your country that are being slaughtered, both Christians and Muslims. So your thoughts on really getting this cooperation off the ground? When I was there, I talked to a lot of people, and I followed it up once I got here, and they had all these recommendations. Only a few, if any, were ever carried forward with, and that's unfortunate. Some were, but I think a top-to-bottom review of what can be done, what does it take. And then, meanwhile, on the humanitarian side, and we asked this last night and Mr. Huizenga asked this as well of our two witnesses from the administration, the government really needs to do more for its IDPs. It has not. But we want to be helpful there, too, making sure that food, medicine, shelter is available to them. The IDP camps that I've been in were awful. One was an old hotel that was just makeshift turned into an IDP, and that was probably one of the better ones. So your thoughts on that, on really helping Nigeria to help themselves?

Ms. Nina SheaSPEAKER_01

Well, I think that that is important. That's the way to get this— to tackle this problem once and for all. And I think that President Trump has instilled at least some political will on behalf of the government to within the government of Nigeria to take some action. And it's absolutely essential to do this, both because religious freedom is a pillar of US foreign policy, it's in compliance with the International Religious Freedom Act, which requires the president to review every foreign country to decide whether or not to designate it as a CPC annually, and the year is ending, so it was appropriate that President Trump do that again. It's going to help alleviate just unfathomable human suffering, as we've seen in that mother's eyes today, to halt Nigeria's descent into failed state status, or avert possible civil war, and to not to deepen the spread of terror across West Africa. It's absolutely essential that Nigeria's government start engaging in the security of its own people. And again, there has been some willingness, political will to fight the terror groups in the north, but there hasn't been any prosecution so far, successful prosecution of anyone from the Fulani militias at all. So I think that that's—

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Just say that again for emphasis. There has not been with the Fulani militias efforts to—

Ms. Nina SheaSPEAKER_01

So so there hasn't been So that And and then that is, I think, more of a police work, and warfare is is very different now. There's human intelligence is getting rarer and rarer. There's, you know, drone intelligence and and other forms of technological methods. But I think that it's actually a relatively easy problem to solve, relatively. And it should start with that and simultaneously actually work on the and and and help, you know, locate Leah Sharibu, you mentioned, and the Chibok schoolgirls that are still enslaved. You mentioned, Mr. Chairman, the that that there was intelligence sharing in the past and nothing happened. I think that was a prime case of that. And that should be pursued and can be pursued again fairly easily with with modern technology. And and it and it should happen across the country, including in the north. There should be cooperation and and work on the terror groups and sealing the border and and sharing our experience with that. President Trump's been very good with that. And we have a lot to impart. And if the government of Nigeria is willing, I think it would benefit all of us and and and the region.

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

Thank you very much. I think consecutive U.S. administrations have defined or described the relationship with Nigeria as one of its most important on the continent. And even though that relationship has been complicated with periods of friction, I think this moment that we find ourselves in seems as if all things have aligned, and there is an opportunity now for both the U.S. and Nigeria to come to the table to reset that relationship, especially given the fact that citizens across the board in Nigeria, every data point you look at, there's overwhelming acknowledgment that the levels of insecurity in the country are unacceptable. I think the fact that we have this coming from Nigerian citizens provides the opportunity to have real, serious conversation based on concrete benchmarks for progress. The mistake that would be made is if it is seen as being a selective intervention favoring one group over the other. So there is an opportunity for Nigeria and the U.S. to reset its relationship, one that would really be based on listening to the Nigerian people, and Nigerians are saying levels of insecurity are very high. How do we address it? So this opportunity now provides leverage to the U.S., working with the Nigerian government, to actually show some very clear progress.

SPEAKER_UNKNOWN

Okay,

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you very much. I would point out, and this is worth noting, because I was always perplexed when Secretary Blinken—and I asked him at hearings just like this—why he withdrew CPC, and I never got a good answer. But when we were doing the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998, I held all the hearings, most of them in this room. And John Shattuck, who was the Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, testified against it for the Clinton administration on the record. I have all the records. You can go look at it. He said it would create a hierarchy of human rights, which is nonsense. And I even, in my response to him at one of the hearings, was to say, Okay, I was all for combating apartheid, which was not a very popular thing within my party in the very beginning of the Reagan administration, and I was all for it. Did that take away any other human rights work we were doing? It was not in lieu of; it was in addition to what we were doing in any other area of human rights work. And I said the same thing about religious freedom. It is a pillar of our Constitution. It's a pillar of our—it's really a universally recognized human right. But they said it would set— 1 year later, I had a hearing on did it do that? And I had the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom testify, 'cause they were all saying, Shattuck especially, it would make everything worse on religious freedom. And the word back was, even after 1 year, it was seriously advancing religious freedom. Ditto on trafficking. I was told by Harold Koh, the Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, right from where you're sitting right now, that most of what was in my Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 would be counterproductive. We don't need a TIP office. We don't need all of the dozens of new programs that were unleashed by that law. And it was a bipartisan law. Sam Gejdenson, who sat right here with me—it was my bill, but he was our principal cosponsor, and we really worked together to get it passed. He was from Connecticut. Again, as we went over the year and year after that, it was like, yeah, it really did help. But it was stopped in its tracks had we listened to that argument. Blinken was a part of that on the religious freedom back then. And I always felt, I could be wrong, that there was a sense that the Religious Freedom Act was not something he was terribly enamored of, so it was very easy to get rid of the CPC status for him because he did not give a good answer when asked directly by me—and I wasn't the only one—where you sit, Nina, Why? What's the why of it? And at one point he told the appropriators that there's no—none of this has anything to do with religious freedom, in terms of the violence. Really, it just doesn't pass the straight-face test. That's, in my humble opinion, one of the reasons why we had such— again, and I remind everybody, it was Clinton who signed the International Religious Freedom Act. So, and we didn't know if he was going to do it. At the very end, we did have veto-proof majorities to overcome a veto. But that said, he did sign it, and I'm forever grateful for that. Ms. Jacobs.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ms. Onubogu, thank you for testifying again before the committee today. As you know, President Trump, in his November 1st Truth Social post on Nigeria, threatened to deploy the U.S. military, guns blazing, into Nigeria to completely wipe out the Islamic terrorists there, stating that if we attack— if we attack, it will be fast, vicious, and sweet. All of those are quotes. Do you believe unilateral U.S. military strikes in Nigeria would make the situation more or less safe for Nigerian citizens?

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

I believe it will make it less safe.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Can you elaborate on why?

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

Because all the data points show us that Nigerians value diverse societies. But even as they value diverse societies, there are also experiences where overwhelmingly there are low levels of trust. Already, just from the threats that have been made, we are already seeing, especially if you go on social media, people basically forming camps and basically coming up with different conspiracy theories about what is feeding the threats that have been made by the president. So I think it's important to understand the complexities of Nigeria and understand how fragile things are in the environment, and that for years you've actually had members of the political class that have actually manipulated that public mistrust to gain power. So at this point, you hear people forming different camps and making different statements and building different conspiracy theories. I think overwhelmingly Nigerians value unity, and the conversations that are happening now are not good for Nigeria's social cohesion.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Thank you. And I do want to dig a little bit more into that because it's not just the actual military strikes that would cause problems, but we've actually already seen that even just these threats and rhetoric have had immediate consequences. I've personally heard anecdotes of this happening already in Nigeria. You mentioned it in your opening statement that this was a risk. Could you expand on this and explain how inflammatory rhetoric can make tensions within communities even worse and actually lead to the very violence and targeting that this administration says it's trying to counter?

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

So, as I mentioned, because of the low levels of trust that we see in communities, all we have to do is date back to several conflicts that have occurred over time in different parts of Nigeria, and we've seen how some of them have been driven by conspiracy theories or hearsays. And in many ways, rhetoric like this could actually be detrimental, because it moves us farther away from finding a real solution to the problem. All we have to do is just look at over the last few weeks since the threats were made and to just listen to all the different conversations and discussions happening. None of them have actually come out with real solutions from the side of the Nigerian government, or from civil society, or the international community. Everyone is all focused on what has been said, so it moves us farther from finding solutions. And especially in environments like those in the Middle Belt, where we've seen protracted conflicts time and time again, as you engage in these communities, you realize that while people live together, there are very low levels of trust. And it's extremely important that we keep that in mind, because very little things can inflame tensions that already exist in the country.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Thank you. You've talked a lot about this deficit of trust, lack of trust, about the sort of crisis of governance in Nigeria. How should Nigeria fix this problem, and how should the United States work with Nigeria to address it? What would you advocate as the type of diplomatic actions and US investments that would make sense here?

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

I think, most importantly, for this situation, Nigeria needs to take the lead and literally summon the utmost political will in this regard. As I mentioned in my testimony, a lot of these narratives have continued because people, Nigerians, are not getting the justice that they deserve. And unfortunately, it's breeding an environment where there's a sense of impunity, where those who carry out attacks, regardless of what religion they come from, they feel they can continue those attacks. And then the communities, there's a sense of grievance where, at the end of the day, if they feel that the government isn't coming to their aid, they come up with their own narratives. So, at the end of the day, there needs to be an acknowledgment on the part of the Nigerian government. Nigeria needs to take the lead. Nigerian leaders need to summon the political will and work with their allies and partners, such as the United States, to be able to address this violence. You know, at the end of the day, we may put out numbers there and talk about the numbers of victims, but it's important for us to put a face to these numbers. The violence has gone on for so long in Nigeria. So, Nigeria needs to take the lead, work in partnership with allies such as the U.S., and there is a moment here, there is an opportunity here for folks to come to the table to really find a sustainable solution to this problem.

Ranking Member Sara Jacobs (D-CA)SPEAKER_13

Thank you. I yield back.

Rep. Riley Moore (R-WV)SPEAKER_07

Mr moore. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you very much. And, Ms. Shea, I appreciate you highlighting the issue of the disarmament of Fulani militants. I think that certainly would be one of these solutions. Obviously, there's not a singular one. It's a multifaceted problem that's going on here in different regions of the country, and there's a lot of complexities to it. But, as we've heard, I think, a couple times here, and I do agree with, there is an opportunity here for the Nigerian government to strengthen, deepen, and broaden their relationship with the United States if they will do that in coordination and in coordination and cooperation with the United States government. When I met with the delegation, as Mr. Smith met with them as well, that was one of the messages that I gave to them, is that there is an opportunity here, but you're going to have to take that opportunity. And I am very hopeful that they will do that because myself and Chairman Smith and President Trump, we've had enough of this. This cannot continue to go on in the manner that it has, and it now has the president's attention. And I do agree that, you know, you get all this kind of information flying around out here that many times is not helpful. It's— I recently saw the foreign minister was in some interview, I think it was Piers Morgan, and it was the same thing when they came here and some of us spoke to them, just disputing these numbers, right? I think the foreign minister said in the last 5 years there's only 177 Christians have been killed. I don't think there's anybody that believes that, right? And I don't think that it's necessarily constructive on their part to try to downplay what's happening here. But, Ms. Shea, I'd ask you, how do you think about the differences though in between some of these statistics that have been reported, obviously, of nongovernmental organizations that it seems to me have robust on-the-ground informational networks, and, and those offered by the Nigerian government? How do we have such a a huge disparity in the numbers in between what we're saying or what some of these groups on the ground are saying, and then the foreign minister saying there's a 177 Christians killed in the entire country of Nigeria over the last 5 years, that which is just hard to believe. It seems that number was achieved likely in just the last couple months. But please.

Ms. Nina SheaSPEAKER_01

Yes, you're right. It's a huge disparity. And assuming it's not just propaganda, one of the reasons why there is a range of numbers for any particular event is that precisely because the government doesn't do any police work. So there's no one that comes in to prevent it or to, during its occurrence, to stop it or in the immediate aftermath. So the witnesses have fled for their lives. There's chaos. There's destruction everywhere. The evidence has been tampered with or been deteriorated by the time people come along. It's very hard for the local pastors and priests who are the ones there taking the body counts, helping the survivors. It's very difficult for them to do that job and at the same time do documentation. They do it as best as they can, but the numbers are far larger than that foreign minister is saying. I also want to say that I think that President Trump's designation of CPC has been extremely important. He has gotten the attention of the government of Nigeria. There is—we've heard that there's a high-level delegation in Washington today discussing this with the United States. I met

Rep. Riley Moore (R-WV)SPEAKER_07

with him yesterday.

Ms. Nina SheaSPEAKER_01

Yeah, so, so I think that, um, this has very been a very beneficial exercise thus far. We'll see how it plays out.

Rep. Riley Moore (R-WV)SPEAKER_07

Yeah, I think you're right on that. And we've heard several people mention early warning systems, and I do agree with that. I think that those can be helpful. But I do want to highlight a case that just happened recently in the Plateau State. We had a pastor there who had warned the Nigerian government and said, We are under imminent threat. We are going to face an attack if you all don't send some forces here in the next 24 hours. We need help. Please come here and help us. The Nigerian government not only ignored it, they literally put out a press release about it calling it fake news and hyperbole and being overblown. Well, 13 people lost their lives the next day. 13 people murdered. Christians murdered. I don't know how much an early warning system is going to work if people aren't listening to warnings that are literally over the phone. I'm not sure. So, I'd say to the Nigerian government, you're going to have to—and we keep using the term prioritize this, because it's certainly a priority for President Trump and I think many of us on this panel here today on this dais. But I just wanted to highlight that because that is the type of behavior that has to change, because, and to your point of people not trusting the government, how can you trust a government that doesn't even show up when you ask them to? How are you supposed to trust your life with something like that? You can't. Obviously, you can't. And I think that's why it's incumbent upon the Nigerian government to work with us in coordination and cooperation to address these issues. Obviously, there's going to be some type of bifurcated approach to this. The Fulani Islamic militant issue in the middle belt of the country is distinctly different from what you face with Boko Haram and ISIS in the northeast of the country, and that's probably more of a question of kinetic military options rather than some of the other things that maybe State Department could do more in the middle belt, backed up by some of those same type of at least military deterrence options in that part of the country. But I think it does need to be a kind of whole-of-government approach to this, but we have to have the Nigerian government as a as a willing partner in all of this, because the president is, as Chairman Smith just said, extremely serious about this. I'm extremely serious about this. I stay up at night, it's hard to sleep sometimes thinking about this, and I pray about it every single night, just thinking about my own brothers and sisters in Christ in that country just getting murdered for the profession of their faith, our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.

SPEAKER_UNKNOWN

So

Rep. Riley Moore (R-WV)SPEAKER_07

It is absolutely heartbreaking. But I do want to thank the chairman again for convening this hearing, as he has over the many years and been working to advocate for people of Nigeria. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Yield back.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

very much, Mr. Moore. And thank you for your leadership. Mr jackson.

Rep. Jonathan Jackson (D-IL)SPEAKER_12

Thank you, Chairman. Thank you for your leadership. To Ms. Onubogu, what do you see as the primary drivers of religious freedom violations in Nigeria? And secondly, what are the political, economic, social, and historical factors that exacerbate the situation?

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

Thank you, Congressman. I really think it's a mix of factors here that we're looking at, a mix of factors here. And as I mentioned in my testimony, at a core of this are failures of governance. There needs to be an opportunity to address the governance deficits that we see across the board in Nigeria at every level. And I think sometimes when we look at this issue, it's also important because we haven't been able to take a look at it from a—from a whole of government, from a holistic point of view. It's important for us to understand what are the areas that really encompass more institutional weaknesses, and then what are the areas that are plainly just a lack of political will. And so I think, again, as I had mentioned earlier in my earlier response, there is an opportunity here to actually begin to identify what are the areas that—what are the institutional weaknesses that exist within the Nigerian system that allow or enable the environment for the violation of religious freedoms, and then what are the instances where it's just plain old lack of political will. Once we're able to do that, then you'll be able to identify a proper solution to a problem. Right now, we haven't been able to identify a proper solution, and this is why these conflicts are protracted and they've continued time and time again.

Rep. Jonathan Jackson (D-IL)SPEAKER_12

Well, thank you so much. It's also very peculiar. I'd like for it to be noted in the record, as we look forward to the great works of the continent and Africa as it marches and rises towards 2050, where 25% of the world's population will be of African descent, and this country, the United States, seems to talk down to African people historically. I would say that the United States is a very generous nation, and in some ways the most generous nation, but has the most peculiar cruelty towards the African continent, and it must be confronted about its legacy. The second thing is we are right now in a hostile environment with the Republic of South Africa and Nigeria, the continent's two most populous countries, if you will, or certainly two most prosperous countries that should be dealt with. I have another question for you. Based on your experience, which types of U.S. government programs or initiatives have been, past or present, have been most effective in promoting religious freedom and interfaith dialogue in Nigeria?

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

Thank you very much for that question. For several years, I actually worked specifically in the Middle Belt on these types of community security initiatives. And we've seen local-level peacebuilding initiatives where communities have been able to—and most importantly, as a community-led, led by the communities, they've been able to put in place early warning systems, and beyond those early warning systems, moving a step further to ensure early response. Because as has already been pointed out, it's of no use if people are able to raise an alarm and no response comes through. So over the years, we've seen some successful low-level peacebuilding programs across the Middle Belt, community-led peacebuilding programs. We've also seen programs that have included religious leaders from both faiths, particularly in places like Kaduna, in Adamawa, in Benue, in Plateau State. We've seen interfaith mediation councils where Muslims and Christian leaders have been able to come together to work closely with their communities. Those types of initiatives we've seen have been very successful.

Rep. Jonathan Jackson (D-IL)SPEAKER_12

Last question I would have for you: in its effort to dismantle the USAID program, the Trump administration terminated a USAID program called PARTNER that supported peacebuilding efforts to northern and north-central Nigeria. The $2 million project helped to strengthen the country's early warning and security response systems and provide training for local leaders, including religious leaders, on conflict mitigation strategies. This project, amongst others like it, helped to provide local leaders with mechanisms to alert law enforcement to possible conflicts before it happens. PARTNER also helped facilitate communications between farmer and herder community leaders, often individuals from different religious backgrounds, in an attempt to bridge the gap between the two groups. Ms. Onubogu, what are some of these early warning signs of conflict? How would you describe the drivers of conflict in northern and central Nigeria, and to what extent do you assess these stem from religious and climate and resource competition?

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

As I said, the mix of these drivers, it's a mix and they're complex, and that's where I say as you look at violence or as you look at a specific conflict, it's important to understand that there might be some conflicts or there are conflicts that are specifically driven by religion, and there are some other conflicts that may have specific drivers. Where the challenge is now or where the problem is is when everything is lumped in together. Working for several years in the Middle Belt, when a conflict breaks out and people say, Oh, it's a farmer-herder conflict. It's a farmer-herder conflict. Now every type of conflict in the Middle Belt becomes a farmer-herder conflict, but we need to take the time and take the step to actually identify which of these conflicts are driven specifically because of disputes between farmers and herders, and then which of these conflicts are just plain old criminality, as some of them are, and then which of those conflicts are actually driven because people might be targeted because of their faith. And I think this is where we miss the point, when we do not acknowledge the complexities within Nigeria, when we use a single story to define the conflict. This is why we've not been able to find viable solutions. If we go back, and I believe, Ms. Shea, in the previous panel, we spoke about the Chibok girls. This was an incident that happened in 2014, and just a week ago we saw another group of schoolchildren kidnapped from their schools. Since 2014 till today, we've seen six different incidents of kidnapping, and we've had discussions on each and every one of them, but we've not been able to identify a viable solution because we tend to oversimplify and we tend to generalize what the problems are. But for every conflict that happens in Nigeria, there are specific drivers, and we have to be able to take the time to identify what the root cause is of each specific conflict for us to be able to develop a sustainable solution.

Rep. Jonathan Jackson (D-IL)SPEAKER_12

And thank you so much for your testimony. I yield back, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Stutzman.

Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN)SPEAKER_02

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you both for being here. Consecutive administrations here in the United States have viewed Nigeria as an important partner in West Africa, but I would say that our relationship has been less than perfect. Just last year, the Nigerian government wrongly detained Tigran Gambaryan, a U.S. citizen and former IRS agent, for 9 months on trumped-up charges of money laundering and tax evasion. Combining this with the Nigerians, uh, the Nigerian government's woefully inadequate response to this violence, I'm concerned that they may not have our best interest at heart. And I'd like both of you to answer this, and Ms. Shea, maybe you can go first, but would you elaborate on the relationship between Nigeria and the United States? And do you think continued inaction on religious freedom issues will harm our relationship going forward? Does Nigeria want to have a civilized relationship with countries in the West and in Europe and other parts of the world?

Ms. Nina SheaSPEAKER_01

Oh, thank you for your question. I think that Nigeria wants and needs the United States, and I think that many Nigerians have come to this country and continue to come to this country for education, for investment reasons, or to live. And they are among our most successful, if not the most successful, immigrant group. So, I think that they have a lot to gain, and they know that, from a relationship with the United States. I think I'm encouraged that the Nigerian government has an extremely high-level delegation over here talking to the Trump administration about how to improve relations.

Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN)SPEAKER_02

that the Nigerian people for sure is what it sounds like you're saying want a relationship with the United States. What about the Nigerian government? To the extent that they're giving us lip service on Christians being killed, do they have the ability to put a stop to the killings?

Ms. Nina SheaSPEAKER_01

I think they have an ability to take action, which they have not done in the Middle Belt, where the Christians are the primary target. They're the special target of these militias, and the government has not lifted a finger to help them until now, and maybe not even now. But I think that the government was not given any message before. I mean, we really, this is the first year that the— the first couple weeks that the government of the United States has said that there is a problem, that we are not happy. Our law, the International Religious Freedom Act, requires us to point them out and put them on the list of the world's worst persecutors of religious freedom, violators of religious freedom. So they have not gotten that message before. Before they were told that there were root causes, that these are two socioeconomic groups. There was no mention of religion. We were told, and Chairman Smith was told by Secretary Blinken and others that this had nothing to do with religion. So now we have a new analysis, and I think that we've had a very helpful response to that.

Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN)SPEAKER_02

Ma'am, are we frenemies? Are we— what are we?

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

We're friends. And I'm sorry, I actually missed your original question, if you could repeat.

Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN)SPEAKER_02

Yeah, I was just asking, could you elaborate on the relationship between Nigeria and the United States? And do you think that continued inaction on religious freedom issues will harm our relationship going forward? Does Nigeria—are they hearing the messages that are coming from our president, from the United States, about the concern of genocide? And not just—I realize there's people that are being killed that are both Christian and non-Christian, but that this sort of violence is just cannot be tolerated.

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

Well, if they weren't hearing it before, they're definitely hearing it now. And I think, as I've mentioned before, there is an opportunity, and an opportunity that should not be missed in the way we convey as the US how we want to work with Nigeria on this issue. The framing of the engagement really matters, and I think this is where the US has to be strategic in its partnership. The partnership with Nigeria, as you rightfully mentioned, is one of our most important partnerships on the continent. As was mentioned, by 2050, the population of Nigeria will surpass the population of the United States. So this is definitely a relationship that we have to keep and build, but approach our dialogues from a place of honesty. And I think what we have going now in this relationship is that the Nigerian people—there is a wide acknowledgment by the Nigerian people that something needs to be done, and done quickly, about the levels of insecurity in the country.

Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN)SPEAKER_02

Do you think the Nigerian government is capable of putting a stop to the violence?

Ms. Oge OnuboguSPEAKER_15

And then this is where I say that with the Nigerian government actually looking at where the inefficiencies lie or where the weaknesses are within its institutional capacity. And I think this is where, again, being able to differentiate what are institutional weaknesses and then what is just plain lack of political will. And I think there needs to be an admittance of where the areas of weakness lie, and there are some clear areas of

Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN)SPEAKER_02

agree, and I think they should— if they can't handle it, they should be willing to ask the international community for help. I mean, you know, we, we should all be standing for life no matter where at in the world. Thank you.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you.

Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN)SPEAKER_02

I'll yield back.

Chairman Chris Smith (R-NJ)SPEAKER_05

Thank you. As we close, I just want to make a point. The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom in their report says that Nigeria's government has continued to forcibly close camps hosting displaced Christians who fled violence by Boko Haram despite persistent security concerns in their communities of origin. That is a deep concern, and we're appealing to the country— to the government, I should say, of Nigeria— to rectify that. I also would point out that, without objection, I would ask that a— ask unanimous consent that an op-ed that's in National Review by Maureen Ferguson and Asif Mahmood be included. It's The title is Nigerian Girls Are Being Kidnapped. Islamic terrorists have inflicted a decade of religiously motivated violence on Christian women and girls. I would note parenthetically that according to Amnesty International, April 2024, that over 1,700 children have been abducted since 2014, since the Chibok girls incident, 17 cases of mass abduction. But it's interesting that this piece that was written, this op-ed, and without objection, it'll be part of the record, Maureen Ferguson was appointed to the commission by Mike Johnson, the Speaker. Asif Mahmood was appointed by Hakeem Jeffries. So there you have both sides of the aisle, both sides of the political, ideological spectrum writing an op-ed about these girls and about this terrible sexual violence. So without objection, it is part of the record. And anything else that you'd like to say before we close? Thank you so much for your leadership, your comments today. I want to thank my colleagues, both sides of the aisle, for their very, very incisive questions. And we have much to do. The hearing's adjourned.